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University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   Musi  « 
PUBLICATION  84. 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL    SERIFS.  Vol..    VI.,     V        ! 


IHE  ORAlBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY 


BY 

H.  R.  VOTH. 


HE  STANLEY  McCORMICK  HOPI  EXPEDITION 
GEORGE  A.  DORSEY 

Curator,  Department  of  Anthropology. 


CHICAGO,  U.  S.  A. 

December,  1903 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  I. 


PL.  I.    (FRONTISPIECE)    THE  OAQOL  ALTAR. 

The  altar  shown  in  the  plate  is  one  that  was  reproduced  by  the  author  for 
the  Field  Columbian  Museum.  Though  the  Oa'qol  altar  is  undoubtedly  the  latest 
altar  introduced  in  Ordibi,  it  is  certainly  one  of  the  most  elaborate  H6pi  altars 
known  to  the  author.  It  consists  of  about  eighty-three  slabs  and  sticks,  which  are 
fastened  to  a  reed  framework,  and  a  number  of  objects  that  are  placed  in  front 
of  the  upright  framework.  In  the  center  of  the  latter,  on  a  wide  slab,  may  be 
seen  a  drawing  of  Muyingwa,  the  God  of  Germination,  who  holds  in  his  hand  a 
growing  corn-stalk.  Over  both  is  a  picture  of  clouds,  and  beneath  the  symbol  of 
the  rainbow.  To  the  left  of  this  slab  stands  the  short,  white  one,  on  which  is 
drawn,  on  one  side,  the  figure  of  the  sun,  on  the  reverse  side  that  of  the  moon. 
On  a  number  of  slabs  symbols  of  clouds,  lightning,  corn-ears,  rainbows,  etc.,  are 
easily  recognized. 

On  the  floor  are  three  cloud  symbols  in  black  outlines,  the  semi-circles  being 
filled  with  corn  meal.  From  them  run  black  lines,  representing  rain,  to  the  sand 
ridge.  To  the  right  side  of  this  drawing  stands,  with  extended  wings,  a  figurine 
of  Oa"qol-Mana,  in  front  of  it  one  of  Odqol-Tiyo,  a  second  one  like  it  standing  at 
the  left  end  of  the  sand  ridge.  To  the  left  and  somewhat  behind  the  Oa"qol-Mana 
is  seen  the  tiponi  of  the  chief  priestess,  and  in  front  of  it  the  netted  gourd  vessel 
in  which  she  gets  the  water  for  the  ceremonies.  On  the  left  side  of  the  altar 
stand,  in  two  clay  pedestals,  crooks,  the  symbol  of  life;  in  two  others,  forked 
sticks,  to  which  are  fastened  little  birds.  Close  to  it  two  wooden  birds,  one  repre- 
senting a  wild  duck;  the  other,  some  other  water-fowl  (the  bdchiro). 

In  front  of  the  cloud  drawing  stands  the  medicine  bowl,  and  around  it  are 
six  ears  of  corn,  an,d  four  wooden  cloud  symbols  on  which  are  mounted  small 
wooden  birds  (some  say  they  represent  butterflies).  In  the  extreme  foreground 
stands  a  tray  with  sacred  meal.  To  the  left  of  this  may  be  seen  a  gourd  rattle, 
and  by  the  side  of  this,  partly  hidden  from  view,  the  mosilili,  a  short,  bent  stick, 
to  which  are  fastened  a  few  tent  shells. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM 

PUBLICATION  84. 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SERIES.  VOL,   VI.,   No,   I. 


THE  ORAlBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY 


BY 

H.  R.  VOTII. 


THE  STANLEY  McCORMICK  HOPI  EXPEDITION 
GEORGE  A.  DORSEY 

Curator,  Department  of   Anthropology. 


CHICAGO,  U.  S.  A. 
December,  1903 


THE   ORAIBI   OAQOL   CEREMONY 


BY 
H.     R.     VOTH 


CONTENTS. 

Page. 

Note    .                                                                                                                       .  i 

Introduction 3 

Participants  and  their  Clan  Relationship     ...  4 

The  Ceremonial  Kiva      ..........  5 

Time  and  Duration  of  the  Celebration 6 

Preliminary  Ceremony 7 

The  Nine-Day  Ceremony 9 

First  Day g 

Second  Day 16 

Third  Day 19 

Fourth  Day           ...........  19 

Fifth  Day 22 

Sixth  Day (.31 

Seventh  Day 32 

Eighth  Day 34 

Ninth  Day        .                                      38 


NOTE. 

The  report  herewith  presented  on  the  "Oraibi  Oaqol  Ceremony," 
by  the  Rev.  H.  R.  Voth,  is  a  continuation  of  a  series  of  papers,  the 
'first  of  which  was  devoted  to  the  Soyal  Ceremony.  Researches 
among  the  Hopi,  with  the  view  of  the  preparation  of  these  reports, 
and  of  enlarging  and  making  more  complete  the  Hopi  collections  in 
this  Institution,  are  now  being  carried  on,  as  they  have  been  in  the 
past,  by  Mr.  Voth,  through  the  generosity  of  Mr.  Stanley  McCormick. 

GEORGE  A.  DORSEY, 

Curator  of  Anthropology. 
CHICAGO,  December  i,  1903. 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


J'l.AlK. 
I. 


11. 
111. 

IV. 

V. 

VI. 

VII. 

VIII. 

IX. 

X. 

XL 

XII. 

XIII. 

XIV. 

XV. 

XVI. 

XVII. 

XVI11. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 

XXII. 

XXIII. 

XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 

XXVII. 

XXVII  I. 


Oaqol  Altar  (colored)  Frontisp 

( >(•: 

I'.tH- 

No.  I,  Masatoiniwa;  No.  2,  Qoyangosi  3 

No.  i,  The  Hawiovi  Kiva;  No.  2,  The  Home  of  the  Ki-l-Nyaiini 

(Sparrow-hawk  clan)  5 

No.  i,  Lololoma;  No.  2,  Loma'nkwa  7 

Homikini  and  Family  -  Q 

Oaqol  Altar  10 

Various  Ceremonial  Objects  •  12 

Chief  Priestess  Waiting  to  be  Discharmed  12 

The  Na~tsi  -  19 

The  Tuihi  23 

Kao'  Bdhos  -  30 

Various  Trays  33 

Various  Trays  -  33 

Various  Trays  34 

Various  Ceremonial  Objects  35 

Women  Making  Trays  36 

A  Hopi  Race  41 

An  Oaqol-Mana  41 

No.  i,  The  Women  Proceeding  to  the  Plaza;  No.  2,  The  Chief 

Priest  Returning  with  the  Medicine  Bowl  -  42 

Oaqol-Manas  Going  to  the  Plaza  42 

The  Dance  43 

Waiting  for  the  Prize  to  Descend  43 

The  Dance  in  Progress  43 

Manas  Returning  to  the  Kiva  -  43 

The  Dancers  Returning  to  the  Kiva  -  43 

Contesting  One  of  the  Prizes  45 

The  Prize  Contest  in  Full  Sway  45 

After  the  Battle  ...  46 


PL.  II. 

No.  i.    Masdtoiniwa.    The  chief  male  priest  of  the  Odqol  Society. 

No.  2.     Qpyangosi.     Chief  Priestess  of  the  Odqol  Society. 

The  plate  shows  the  priestess  as  she  heads  the  line  of  dancers  going  to  and 
returning  from  the  dancing  plaza.  The  somewhat  imperfect  negative  had  to  be 
used  and  enlarged,  as  a  negative  showing  the  priestess  to  a  better  advantage  was 
unfortunately  lost. 


INTRODUCTION. 

One  of  the  three  Women's  Fraternities  in  the  village  of  Oraibi  is 
the  Oaqol  Society,  which,  though  the  latest  or  youngest,  is  the  largest 
of  the  religious  orders  in  that  village.  Its  leaders,  and  most  of  its 
members,  belong  to  the  Sand  clan.  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that 
this  cult  was  introduced  to  the  present  Hopi  villages  from  Aoatovi 
(Bow-Heights),  once  a  thriving  village  twelve  or  fourteen  miles  south- 
east from  Walpi.  When  this  village  was  destroyed  and  most  of  the 
male  inhabitants  killed,  nearly  two  hundred  years  ago,  most  of  the 
women  and  children  were  distributed  among  the  villages.  One 
woman  is  said  to  have  carried  with  her  to  the  village  of  Mishongnovi 
the  tiponi  and  the  altar  of  this  Fraternity,  thus  introducing  the  Oiiqul 
cult  in  that  village.1  After  the  cult  had  flourished  a  while  in  this  village 
— just  how  long  cannot  be  ascertained — an  Oraibi  woman  by  the  name 
of  Shakletsnoma,  of  the  Sand  clan,  married  a  man  from  Mishongnovi 
named  Hoka.  They  lived  in  the  last  named  village,  where  the  woman 
joined  the  Oaqol  Society,  and  thus  became  acquainted  with  the  cult. 
Later  this  woman  is  said  to  have  moved  to  Oraibi,  where  she  taught 
the  cult  to  another  woman  by  the  name  of  Kelwuhti,  who  also  belonged 
to  the  Sand  clan.  These  two  women,  tradition  has  it,  made  the  first 
altar  and  introduced  this  cult  in  Oraibi.  Kelwuhti  became  the  first 
chief  priestess,  and  when  she  died  Shakletsnoma  succeeded  her.  When 
the  latter  died  a  woman  named  Qoyayaonoma  assumed  the  position  of 
chief  Oaqol  priestess,  a  man  named  Chochongo  being  chief,  and 
Lomangowa2  assistant  priest.  She  was  succeeded  by  her  grandchild 
Qpyangosi,  the  present  incumbent,  who  is  now  also  about  sixty  or  sixty- 
five  years  old.  Qoyayaonoma  was  the  mother  of  the  present  Oaqol 
chief  priest,  Masatoiniwa  (see  No.  i,  PL  II),  who  is  the  uncle  of  Qoyan- 
gosi.  (See  No.  2,  PL  II.)  It  should  be  remembered  that  every  Hopi 
Women's  society  has  a  chief  priest  and  a  chief  priestess.  As  will  be 
seen  in  the  following  pages,  the  functions  of  the  two  seem  to  be  co- 
ordinate and  mutual  rather  than  otherwise,  as  far  as  the  ceremony 

1  Whether  the  woman  took  the  altar  with  her  at  the  time  of  the  catastrophe  tradition  does  not 
say.  But  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose — and  the  Indians  are  of  the  same  opinion — that  the  village  and 
what  it  contained  was  by  no  means  totally  destroyed,  that  for  some  time  after  objects  were  gotten 
from  the  deserted  village,  and  that  the  priestesses  of  the  Oaqol  Society  went  and  saved  from  destruc- 
tion the  highly  treasured  paraphernalia  of  their  sacred  cult. 

-  Lomangowa,  who  is  still  living,  continued  to  act  under  Masatoiniwa  until  the  split  between 
the  conservative  and  liberal  Oraibis  occurred,  when  he  ceased  to  participate  and  the  present  assist- 
ant, Homikim,  was  initiated. 


4     FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

generally  is  concerned.  In  some  special  rites  the  office  of  the  chiel 
priest  seems  to  predominate,  in  others  that  of  the  priestess.  But  in  a 
general  way  the  latter  seems  to  be  really  the  head  of  the  order. 


PARTICIPANTS  AND  THEIR  CLAN  RELATIONSHIP. 


I. 

2. 

3- 

4- 

5- 

6. 

7- 
8. 

9- 
T'O. 
1 1. 

1  2. 
14. 

16. 

1 8. 
19. 

20. 

2  I. 
22. 

23- 
24. 

25- 
26. 
27. 
28. 
29. 
30. 

32. 
33- 

35- 
36. 


Qoyangosi,  chief  priestess 

Masatoiniwa,  chief  priest 

Homikini,  assistant  priest 

Talasngainoma 

Q6tchainoma 

Mocinomka 

Nafcwayeshnoma 

Sikahtaimana 

Paw6nyeshnoma 

Polimana 

Kixvanmonoma 

Nakwamosi 

Ma<  ahoinoma 

Tciwangonsi 

Karzhmonoma 

K  \vdn  hoi  IK")  ma 

Qoyayeshnoma 

Nacilawi 

Tawangyamci 

Yt'shiwa  (male) 

Tuwamosi 

Sitangyaonoma 

Homiin<")ci 

Ma<  ahongnoma 

Sitdvenka 

TQwdngdnOma 

Homfkwapndma 

Homivenci 

NQwahongnoma 

Homiyonci 


HomihoinOma 

Toln'lnnana 

ingyaondma 
Pachdwamana 


Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

Kukuts  (Lizard)  clan. 

Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

Ishawuu  (Coyote)  clan. 

Ishawuu  (Coyote)  clan. 

Ishawuu  (Coyote)  clan. 

Ishawuu  (Coyote)  clan. 

Ishawuu  (Coyote)  clan. 

(Shiwahpi)  clan. 

Pihkash  (Young-Corn-Ear)  clan. 

Pihkash  (Young-Corn-Ear)  clan. 

Pihkash  (Young-Corn-Ear)  clan. 

Atok  (Crane)  clan. 

Atok  (Crane)  clan. 

Atok  (Crane)  clan. 

Pakab  (Reed)  clan. 

Pakab  (Reed)  clan. 

Pakab  (Reed)  clan. 

Pakab  (Reed)  clan. 

Pakab  (Reed)  clan. 

Pakab  (Reed)  clan. 

K\van  (Agave)  clan. 

K\van  (Agave)  clan. 

K \vun  (Agave)  clan. 

Kwan  (A^ave)  clan. 

K\van  (.\uavc)  (-Ian. 

Kwan  (Agave)  clan. 

Karro  (Parrot)  clan. 


PL.  III. 

No.  i.    The  Hawiovi  Kiva. 

This  is  the  kiva  in  which  the  Odqol  ceremony  takes  place.  Unfortunately  a 
negative  had  to  be  used  that  shows  the  Natsi  or  society  emblem  of  the  Flute  Fra- 
ternity, which  also  holds  its  ceremonies  in  this  kiva. 

No.  2.    The  Home  of  the  Sparrow-Hawk  Clan. 

From  the  top  of  this  house  all  ceremonies  in  the  village  of  OraMbi  are  an- 
nounced by  the  crier,  whose  duty  it  is  to  make  these  announcements.  On  the  roof 
is  situated  a  small  shrine,  not  visible  on  the  plate,  however,  in  which  the  crier  de- 
posits certain  prayer  offerings,  before  he  makes  announcements. 


DEC.,  1903.        THE  ORAIKI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTH.  5 

37.  Qomahongnoma  Tab  (Rabbit)  clan. 

38.  Tuwangyaonoma  Tab  (Rabbit)  clan. 

39.  Kelmosi  Tab  (Rabbit)  clan. 

40.  Pungiiawunka  T;i\va  (Sun)  clan. 

41.  Tiiwamonoma  Ta\va  (Sun)  clan. 

42.  Honapsi  Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

43.  Nasiwunka  1'cua  (Rattle-snake)  clan. 

44.  Macawunci  Tcfia  (Rattle-snake)  clan. 

45.  Sikahoinoma  Katcina  (Katcina)  clan. 

46.  Lotokciwa  Ishawuu  (Coyote)  clan. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  list  that  the  number  of  participants, 
belonging  to  the  different  clans  is  as  follows:  ' 

Sand  clan 10     Agave  clan 6 

Reed  clan 6     Coyote  clan 6 

Young-Corn-Ear  clan     ....      3     Crane  clan 3 

Rabbit  clan 3     Sun  clan 2 

Rattle-snake  clan 2      Parrot  clan i 

Lizard    clan i      Badger  clan i 

Katcina   clan      i      Shiwahpi      (Bigelovia      Howardi 

Gray)  clan i 

THE  CEREMONIAL  KIVA. 

In  the  village  of  Oraibi  are  thirteen  kivas,  or  underground  cham- 
bers, one  of  which  was,  up  to  about  two  years -ago,  considered  the 
exclusive  property  of  the  women.  At  that  time  it  was  rebuilt,  and 
ever  since  then  it  seems  to  be  used  the  same  as  the  others  by  a  certain 
group  of  men,  who  turn  the  kiva  over  to  the  women  when  the  latter 
wish  to  use  it  for  a  ceremony.  In  this  kiva  the  Marau  Society  hold 
their  ceremonies;  in  fact,  the  kiva  is  usually  called  Marau"  kiva.  The 
other  two  women's  Fraternities,  the  Lalakontu  and  Oaqoltu  hold  their 
ceremony  in  the  Hawiovi  kiva.  (See  No.  i,  PI.  III.)  It  is  claimed  by 
some  that  this  name  is  derived  from  "hawiota, "  "gone  down,"  and 
"ovi,"  a  suffix  denoting  an  "elevation,"  "height,"  orsometimes  mean- 
ing "up,"  "on  top,"  because  there  is  an  elevation  close  to  the  kiva  from 
which  they  have  to  descend  in  order  to  get  to  the  kiva  from  the  adjoin- 
ing streets.  In  the  course  of  time  this  knoll  has  somewhat  disap- 
peared, but  the  ground  all  along  the  north  side  of  the  kiva  is  still 

1  Every  Hopi  clan  is  related  to  one  or  more  other  clans;  for  instance,  the  Sand,  Lizard  and 
Rattle-snake;  the  Coyote,  Yellow-Fox,  Gray-Fox,  etc.;  the  Young-Corn-Ear,  Cloud  and  Shiwahpi, 
Parrot,  Katcina  and  Tobacco;  the  Badger  and  Butterfly  clans,  are  respectively  related  to  each  other; 
and  any  one  belonging  to  one  clan  in  any  of  these  groups  really  belongs  to  all,  but  specially  to 
that  one  in  the  group;  in  other  words,  he  belongs  to  one,  but  is  related  to  the  others.  In  fact,  the 
Hopi  words  for  relative,  related,  etc.,  refer  to  clan  relationship  only. 


6     FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

considerably  higher  than  on  the  other  sides.1  It  is  also  claimed  that 
later  on,  when  repairing  this  kiva,  it  was  also  called  Aoat  (Bow)  kiva, 
because  the  people  belonging  to  the  Bow  clan,  who  built  it  and  were 
its  principal  occupants,  still  controlled  it.  At  present  the  men  who 
occupy  that  kiva  belong  to  many  different  clans,  as  is  the  case  with 
every  Hopi  kiva,  although  the  clan  who  has  built  it  is  usually  consid- 
ered to  be  the  owner  of  it. 

Besides  the  Oaqoltu,  the  Lalakontu  and  the  Masilalentu  (Drab 
Flute)  Societies  celebrate  their  ceremonies  in  the  Howiovi  kiva.  The 
kiva  is  of  the  usual  size,  about  twenty-four  feet  long,  twelve  feet  wide, 
and  from  seven  to  ten  feet  high,  being  lower  at  the  two  ends.  The 
portion  north  of  the  ladder  is  about  a  foot  deeper  than  the  part  south 
of  it;  a  banquette,  about  twelve  inches  high  by  about  fifteen  inches 
wide,  runs  along  the  two  sides  and  the  north  end  of  the  deeper  portion. 
In  fact,  the  kiva  is  constructed  in  essentially  the  same  way  as  all  the 
other  kivas  in  Oraibi. 

TIME  AND  DURATION  OF  THE  CELEBRATION. 

The  Oaqol  ceremony  is  observed  every  year  of  uneven  numbers, 
alternating  with  the  Lagon  and  Maraii  ceremonies,  which  take  place  in 
the  years  of  even  numbers.  It  always  occurs  in  the  latter  part  of 
October  or  the  first  part  of  November,  or  both,  as  the  following  dates 
show: 

1893,  October  26  to  November  3. 

1895,  November  i  to  November  9. 

1897,  October  23  to  October  31. 

1899,  October  28  to  November  5. 

1901,  October  22  to  October  30. 

1903,  November  3  to  November  n. 

Eight  days  before  the  beginning  of  the  ceremony,  a  short  prelimi- 
nary ceremony,  the  so-called  Baholawu  (baho-making),  takes  place  in 
the  morning  in  the  ancestral  home  of  the  Sand  clan,  and  another 
gathering  of  a  few  of  the  leaders  in  the  house  of  the  kikmongwi  in  the 
evening;  whereupon  the  public  announcement  of  the  ceremony  follows 
early  the  next  morning. 

1  <  Hhers  claim — and  this  is  probably  correct — that  the  name  is  derived  from  certain  decorations 
on  the  inside  of  certain  Hopi  bows,'  that  run  down  (hawfota)  on  each  edge  of  the  bow.  An  analogy 
rnav  be  found  in  the  name  of  another  kiva  (Hochichwi),  which  was  also  originally  built  by  the  Bow 
clan  and  named  after  a  zigzag  line  (hochichvaita)  on  certain  Hopi  bows.  YV  hen  later  it  was  repaired 
t>v  tin-  Uadger  clan,  it  was  called  Honani  (Badger)  kiva. 


PL.  IV.    Two  PROMINENT  ORAIBIS. 

No.  i.     L61oloma,  the  Kikmongwi  or  Village  Chief. 

Lololoma  has  for  many  years  been  a  very  prominent  figure  in  the  villa 
Ora~ibi,  not  only  on  account  of  his  position,  but  on  account  of  his  friendly  atti- 
tude towards  the  government  and  its  efforts  to  civilize  and  educate  the  Indians, 
which  led  to  a  serious  rupture  between  the  inhabitants  of  Ordibi.  Lololoma  re- 
mained at  the  head  of  the  liberal  faction,  while  the  conservative  faction  elected 
its  own  chief,  and  contentions  have  existed  between  these  two  factions  now  for  about 
twelve  years.  This  rupture  has  also  done  very  much  towards  modifying,  under- 
mining, and  even  partly  destroying  some  of  the  Ordibi  ceremonies.  L61oloma  was 
at  one  time,  years  ago,  imprisoned  by  the  hostile  faction  in  one  of  the  kivas,  and 
he  believes  to  this  day  that  he  would  have  been  left  in  that  kiva  to  starve  if  the 
representatives  of  the  government  had  not  rescued  him.  The  plate  shows  the 
chief  as  he  returns  from  his  field  in  the  valley. 

No.  2.  Lomcinkwa,  the  crier  who  has  for  a  number  of  years  announced  pub- 
licly the  ceremonies  controlled  by  the  liberal  faction  of  Ordibi,  those  of  the  con- 
servative faction  being  announced  by  their  own  crier.  This  man  perished  about 
a  month  ago  in  a  ditch  which  he  was  digging,  trying  to  find  some  moles  that  were 
destroying  his  peach-trees.  The  ditch  caved  in  on  the  man  and  his  body  was  not 
found  until  the  next  morning. 


PRELIMINARY    CEREMONY. 

a.     BAHOLAWU.     (MAKE   BAHOS.) 

Eight  days  before  the  beginning  of  the  Oaqol  ceremony,  a  few  of 
the  leaders,  usually  Masatoiniwa,  Homikini,  and  Qoyangosi,1  assemble 
early  in  the  morning  in  the  ancestral  home  of  the  Sand  clan  for  the 
so-called  baholawu  (baho-making).  On  this  occasion  usually  the  fol- 
lowing prayer-offerings  are  made: 

By  Masatoiniwa,  one  baho,  one  ptihu,  and  eight  nakwakwosis. 

By  Ng6si,  eight  nakwakwosis. 

By  Homikini,  eight  nakwakwosis. 

In  case  other  women  are  present,  they  also  make  four  nakwak- 
wosis each. 

These  are  disposed  of  as  follows,  after  all  have  smoked  on  them: 
The  baho  made  by  Masatoiniwa,  as  well  as  four  of  his,  four  of  Homi- 
kini's,  and  four  of  Ngtfsi's  nakwakwosis  are  taken  to  the  kikmongwi's 
house  for  further  disposition  in  the  evening.  All  other  nakwakwosis, 
one  from  each  participant,  are  deposited  north,  west,  south,  and  east 
of  the  village,  by  different  members  of  the  Society,  who  are  called  in 
for  that  purpose  if  they  have  not  participated  in  the  baho-making. 

b.     TIHTINGAPYANGWU.     (CONSECRATING.) 

In  the  evening  Ng6si  proceeds  to  the  house  of  the  kikmongwi  (vil- 
lage chief  ), where  she  is  met  by  the  kikmongwi  L61oloma(No.  i,  PI. IV), 
his  brother  Shokhungioma,  and  their  sister  Pungnano'msi,2  and  the 
chaakmongwi  (crier  chief  Lomankwa).  (See  No.  2,  PI.  IV.)  The  tray 
with  the  prayer  offerings  brought  by  Ng6si  from  the  house  of  the  Sand 
clan,  as  already  stated,  is  placed  on  the  floor,  and  those  present  assemble 
around  it,  squatting  on  the  floor.  All  smoke  over  the  tray,  and  then 
each  one  picks  up  the  tray  and  utters  a  prayer  over  it,  whereupon 
usually  a  few  words  are  said  about  the  approaching  ceremony.  From 
this  and  from  the  prayers  or  talks  uttered  over  the  prayer-offerings 
this  little  ceremony  is  sometimes  also  called  mongwlalawaiyi  (chief's 

1  This  priestess  is  usually  called  by  her  abbreviated  name,  Ngosi,  and  will  be  so  called  through- 
out the  paper. 

2  While   Lololoma  is  really   the  village    chief,  his   brother  and  sister  are  also  often  called 
kikmongwi.    This  oltice  and  its  privileges  seem  to  be  vested  rather  in  the  family  than  in  one  particular 
member  of  it.    The  ancestral  home  of  this  family  is  now  occupied  by  Pungnanomsi,  and  here  this 
meeting  takes  place. 


8     FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

talk).  After  the  ceremony  is  over,  Pungnanomsi  serves  a  supper, 
whereupon  all  go  to  their  respective  homes,  the  crier  taking  with  him 
the  tray  with  the  prayer-offerings. 

c.    CHAALAWU.     (CRY  OUT.) 

At  about  sunrise  the  next  morning  the  crier  proceeds  with  the 
prayer-offerings  to  the  ancestral  home  of  the  Kel-Nyamu  (Sparrow- 
Hawk  clan,  No.  2,  PI.  Ill),  from  which  all  religious  ceremonials  that  are 
publicly  announced,  are  cried  out.  On  the  roof  of  this  house  is  situated 
a  small  shrine.  Into  this  the  crier  deposits  the  prayer-offerings  and 
some  sacred  meal,  and  then  announces  the  approaching  ceremony  in 
the  following  words: 

"Uma  kwiniwii  kiiyungkamu  ktikaiwa  huwamu!  Uma  tawange 
kiiyungkamu  kukuiwa  huwamu!  Uma  tatoo  kiiyungkamu  kdkuiwa 
huwamu!  Uma  hopoo  kiiyung-kamu  kukuiwa  huwamu!  Nu  lirnui 
aaonani ;  hapi  kush  yahpinen  shuhkop  talat  epak  ima  Ooaqoltu  kiwa- 
nfiw  unangway  tawiyanikay  pasionaya.  Pasaat  talat  ak  itam  ka  nana- 
mihin  unangwayKahKang  shopKawat  sinum  yeshwani.  Nap  hakakwat 
mongwi  yoiloki  akw  itam  okwatowani.  Put  akw  pas  pai  itam  mong- 
wactutini.  Mongwactutinikae  tQnatyaoKahftang  yahpt  shopkawat 
sinom  yeshwani.  Van  hakam  itamui  shopkawatui  sinmui  itanamu 
itangumu  angqitamui  ookalantota.  Yan  hakam  tunatyaokahKang 
shopkawat  sinom  yeshawni.  Pai  hahlaiKahkango,  ookaoKahtcango. " 

TRANSLATION. 

You,  living  in  the  north,  loom  up,  please!1  You,  living  in  the 
west,  loom  up,  please!  You,  living  in  the  south,  loom  up,  please! 
I  shall  inform  you  [thus]:  Now  then,  after  this,  in  sixteen  days, 
then  these  Oaqoltus,  because  they  shall  have  good  hearts,  shall 
perform.  Until  that  many  days  we,  all  the  people,  without  having 
any  contentions  with  (among)  each  other,  shall  (must)  live.2  (Per- 
chance) some  chief  shall  pity  us  with  dropping  rain.  With  that 

:mist  accomplish  3  (conclude)  [this].     Because  it  has  been  accom- 

1  The  word  translated  "please"  is  an  exclamation  of  welcome,  and  often  added  to  a  request,  as 
we  add  the  word  "please" — as"pao  huwamu!"  "come  here,  please!";  "  huwamu  nonowaa!"  "  eat, 
please!"  Hut  while  in  such  instances  the  word  "  huwamu  "  corresponds  to  the  word  "  please,"  it  can- 
not be  used  in  every  place  where  the  word  "please"  is  used  in  the  English  language. 

'  Any  worry,  sorrow,  or  anger  disqualifies  a  Hopi,  as  a  rule,  to  participate  in  a  ceremony,  and 
contentions  ;md  qiiarn-ls  in  the  village  are  supposed  to  interfere  with  the  efficacy  of  a  ceremony. 

vwactilti"  (accomplish,  conclude,  be  done,  etc.)  occurs  in  these  somewhat 
obscure  phrases  in  many  religious  Hopi  talks,  announcements,  etc.     I  am  told  that  what  is  referred  to 

almost  constant  anxii-tv  and  concern  about  rain,  and  the  meaning  here  is  that  when  the  rain 
comes  that  anxiety  and  •  r  rain  is  concluded  for  the  time  being;  at  the  same  time  the  inhab- 

arr  admonished,  especially  those  that  have  been  unconcerned  about  the  matter,  to  continue 
irnest  concern  about  this  matter— the  question  of  rain. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  V. 


PL.  V.    HOMIKINI  AND  FAMILY. 

The  plate  shows  the  assistant  chief  priest,  who  plays  such  a  conspicuous 
part  in  the  ceremony,  and  is  mentioned  so  often  throughout  the  paper,  in  front  of 
his  home,  and  with  his  children  and  grandchildren.  The  young  man  to  the  left  is 
his  son,  who  is  a  cripple,  his  legs  being  paralyzed.  The  woman  nursing  the  child 
is  his  daughter,  the  mother  of  the  three  smaller  children  on  the  plate.  His  son- 
in-law,  the  husband  of  the  woman,  is  not  present.  Homikini,  besides  being  the 
assistant  chief  priest  in  this  ceremony,  is  also,  probably,  the  best  Indian  physician 
in  Ordibi.  He  is  a  splendid  botanist,  and  has  a  good  knowledge  of  the  medicinal 
properties  of  the  various  herbs,  viewing  the  matter  from  the  Hopi  standpoint. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTH.  9 

plishecl,1  all  the  people  shall  after  that  live,  concerning  or  continue- 
to  concern  themselves  about  it.  Thus  (may)  our  fathers,  our 
mothers  come  and  strengthen  (encourage)  us,  all  the  people!  Thus 
being  concerned  all  the  people  shall  live.  (Yes)  being  happy,  being 
strong  (encouraged). 

THE  NINE-DAY  CEREMONY. 

I.     FIRST    DAY. 

SHUSH  KA  Hl'MUU.    (ONCE  NOT  ANYTHING.) 

While  in  most  of  the  Hopi  nine-day  ceremonies  very  little  of 
importance  takes  place  on  the  first  day — as  the  name  indicates — the 
opening  day  of  the  Oaqol  ceremony  is  of  unusual  importance,  inasmuch 
as  the  very  elaborate  altar  is  being  erected  on  this  day. 

At  about  sunrise  the  chief  priest,  Masatoiniwa,  and  the  chief 
priestess,  Ng6si,  proceed  to  the  Hawiovi  kiva,  the  latter  usually 
being  accompanied  by  her  little  daughter.  Hdmikini  (PI.  V), 
Masatoiniwa's  assistant,  usually  also  puts  in  an  appearance  early  this 
day. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  Ng6si  is  to  sprinkle  a  ring  of  sacred  corn- 
meal  around  the  kiva  and  to  put  up  the  natsi,  or  emblem  of  the  order, 
at  the  south  end  of  the  hatchway.  This  emblem  consists  of  a  flat  slab 
about  four  and  a  half  inches  long,  two  inches  wide,  and  about  three- 
eighths  of  an  inch  thick,  made  of  a  cottonwood  root  and  having  a  short 
handle  at  one  end.  The  slab  is  painted  green  and  has  on  one  side  in 
black  outlines  the  drawing  of  a  corn-ear.  In  fact,  it  is  itself  called 
ka6-baho  (corn-ear  baho)  or  ka6-natsi  (corn-ear  natsi). 

After  having  sprinkled  the  meal  ring  and  put  up  the  natsi,  Ng6si 
sweeps  the  kiva.  Masatoiniwa  is  in  the  mean  while  sitting  near  the 
fireplace  and  smokes.  Having  swept  the  kiva,  Ng6si,  or  sometimes 
Masatoiniwa,  makes  a  few  nakwakwosis,  which  the  former  takes  with  a 
pinch  of  meal  and  goes  for  some  sand,  which  she  gets  from  a  sand 
hill  half-way  down  the  mesa.  Having  placed  the  prayer-offerings  on 
the  sand  hill,  she  holds  the  corn-meal  to  her  lips  and  says:  "It  nu 
ungem  yuku;  it  um  himuitani,  nifcang  nu  it  uh  tuwa  kimani"  ("This  I 
have  made  for  you;  you  will  have  (own)  this,  but  I  shall  take  your  sand 
along").  A  part  of  this  sand  is  moist,  for  the  altar  ridge,  a  part  dry, 
to  be  sprinkled  on  the  floor  in  front  of  the  altar.  She  then  immedi- 
ately begins  to  construct  the  altar,  being  assisted  by  two  or  three  other 

JThe  leaders  (chiefs),  male  and  female,  are  here  referred  to,  especially  the  village  chief,  crier, 
warrior  chief,  and  the  leader  of  the  Blue-bird  and  Tobacco  clans. 


io     FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

women  who  in  the  mean  while  have  come  in.  The  altar  paraphernalia 
is  brought  into  the  kiva,  either  the  previous  evening  or  early  in  the 
morning  of  this  day,  in  order  to  prevent  the  articles  from  being  seen 
by  any  one  not  initiated.  The  slabs  are  tied  up  in  bundles,  the 
small  objects,  such  as  birds,  cloud  symbols,  etc.,  are  kept  in  jars. 

In  constructing  the  altar,  first  a  ridge  of  moist  sand  is  placed  on 
the  floor  in  the  north  end  of  the  kiva,  about  thirty  inches  long,  eight 
inches  wide,  and  five  inches  high.  Into  this  ridge  are  thrust  eight 
pairs  of  sticks  of  a  strong  reed,  the  two  and  two  sticks  being  close 
together.  The  upper  end  of  these  sticks  or  poles  lean  against  a  heavier 
pole  which  is  suspended  transversely  from  the  ceiling  or  roof  of  the 
kiva.  To  these  eight  sticks  are  fastened  transversely,  with  yucca 
leaves,  five  pairs  o'f  the  same  kind  of  sticks,  though  somewhat  thinner. 
To  this  framework  are  fastened  about  eighty-three  slabs  and  sticks  of 
different  sizes  and  forms,  which  is  by  far  the  largest  number  of  pieces 
on  any  Hopi  altar  known  to  the  author.  (See  Pis.  I  and  VI.)  While  it 
is  highly  probable  that  formerly  these  slabs  and  sticks  were  always 
arranged  in  the  same  order,  such  is  not  the  case  now.  The  wide  slab 
in  the  middle  and  the  sun  slab  always  stand  at  the  same  place  and  a 
few  of  the  others  nearly  so.  But  the  arrangement  of  the  others  varies 
very  materially  in  the  different  ceremonies.  A  good  deal  of  advising 
and  arguing  generally  takes  place  among  the  women  on  this  point, 
which  usually  ends  in  such  expressions  as:  "Put  it  on  anywhere!' 
"It  is  immaterial  where  you  tie  it!"  "That  way  it  is  all  right,' 
etc.  The  work  of  erecting  the  altar  is  superintended  by  Ng6si, 
though  I  have  now  and  then  heard  Masatoiniwa  give  advice  or 
express  an  opinion.  In  1893,  however,  he  repainted  a  number 
of  the  slabs;  he  and  Homikini  also  assist  in  getting  the  objects 
for  the  altar  in  proper  shape,  'make  the  nakwakwosis  that  are 
fastened  to  the  wooden  birds,  cloud  symbols,  etc.  They  also  card 
and  spin  cotton  for  making  prayer-offerings.  Masatoiniwa  usually 
prepares  the  so-called  "mohongola,"  The  latter  consists  of  four 
lengths  of  yucca  (mono)  leaves,  which  are  tied  together  by  the  ends  at 
four  different  places,  thus  forming  a  ring  or  wheel  (ngdla).  To  each  of 
the  four  knots  is  tied  a  nakwakwosi.  This  wheel  is  used  in  initiating 
new  candidates,  as  will  be  described  by  and  by. 

Among  the  objects  usually  prepared  by  Homikini  at  this  time  are 
the  louse  scratchers  (nahringpi,  lit:  self-scratcher).  These  consist  of 
a  stick  eight  to  ten  inches  in  length  and  about  a  quarter  of  an  inch 
thick,  bent  into  a  triangle  with  one  end  projecting.  (See  I),  PI.  VII.) 
This  stick  is  wound  closely  with  cotton  twine,  a  'few  tiny  blue-bird 
feather*  beinjj  fastened  to  each  of  the  three  corners.  One  of  these 


PL.  VI.    THE  OAQOL  ALTAR. 

No.  i.  The  plate  shows  the  altar  completed  for  the  ceremony  on  the  first 
and  the  fifth  day.  For  a  full  description  of  the  altar,  see  frontispiece. 

No.  2.  On  this  plate  the  altar  is  shown  partly  completed  on  the  eighth  day. 
When  the  exposure  was  made  the  cloud  picture  in  front  of  the  altar  had  just  been 
made  by  the  chief  priest,  but  the  medicine  bowl,  ears  of  corn,  and  cloud  symbols, 
etc.,  had  not  yet  been  placed  in  position. 


DEC.,  1903.     .THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTH.  n 

objects  is  given  to  each  girl  that  is  entered  as  a  candidate  for  initia- 
tion, to  be  used  by  her  during  the  first  four  days,  instead  of  the  finger 
nails,  in  case  it  should  become  necessary  to  scratch  the  head. 

As  soon  as  the  upright  part  of  the  altar  is  completed,  Masatoiimva 
sprinkles  dry  sand  in  front  of  the  sand  ridge,  sifting  it  through  an  old 
tray.  Upon  this  sand  he  traces,  with  the  powder  of  a  black  shale,  the 
outlines  of  a  cloud  symbol.  This  consists  of  three  semicircles,  from 
the  base  of  which  run  about  twelve  lines,  to  and  up  the  sand  ridge. 
These  lines  symbolize  falling  rain.  The  semicircles  are  filled  with  a 
thin  layer  of  sacred  meal,  and  on  the  apex  of  each  is  drawn  the  figure- 
of  a  turkey  feather  nakwakwosi.1  (See  No.  2,  PI.  VI.) 

When  Masatoiniwa  has  completed  the  cloud  symbol,  Ngosi  places 
before  the  altar  the  birds,  figurines,  crooks,  medicine  bowl,  mortar, 
etc.,  in  which  she  is  sometimes  assisted  by  Homikini,  or  one  of  the 
older  women.  The  men  fasten  to  a  joist  on  the  east  side  of  the  altar 
a  sohu  (star)  consisting  of  two  sticks  about  six  inches  long  and  about 
three-quarters  of  an  inch  thick,  tied  together  crosswise.  To  each  of 
the  four  ends  of  these  sticks  is  tied  an  eagle  nakwakwosi.  (See  PI.  VII.) 

While  these  preparations  are  going  on  the  two  men,  but  especially 
the  chief  priest,  frequently  indulge  in  smoking  at  the  fireplace,  with- 
out which  the  ceremony,  and  in  fact  any  ceremony,  would  not  be  con- 
sidered efficacious.  Occasionally  girls  or  children  are  brought  into 
the  kiva  that  are  not  yet  members.  These  have  to  go  at  once  through 
the  first  steps  of  initiation.  Ng6si  sprinkles  a  corn-meal  circle  on  the 
floor  in  the  south-east  corner  of  the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva,  on 
which  is  placed  the  moho-ngola,  already  described.  Into  the  center 
of  the  circle  she  places  a  small  pinch  of  corn-meal.  The  candidate 
steps  into  this  circle,  or  if  it  be  a  small  child,  is  placed  and  held  there.2 
Two  women  take  hold  of  the  moho-ngola,  one  on  the  east,  one  on  the 
west  side,  and  raising  it  up  and  down  four  times,  say:  "Ita  ung 
wiingwni"  ("We  cause  you  to  grow  up"),  whereupon  the  candidate, 
who  holds  in  one  hand  a  white  corn-ear,  in  the  other  a  pinch  of  sacred 
meal,  steps  or  is  led  to  the  altar  and  sprinkles  the  meal  towards  it. 
Those  who  are  old  enough,  say  over  five  years  old,  are  seated  on  the 
floor  in  the  east  side  of  the  kiva,  the  smaller  ones  remain  in  the  care 

1  This  appendage,  which  is  found  on  many  drawings  of  cloud  symbols,  represents  the  feathers 
on  objects,  representing  clouds  (such  as  tablets  on  masks,  idols,  etc.).  It  also  represents  the  feathers 
worn  in  the  hair  by  participants  in  a  ceremony,  by  Katcinas,  and  that  are  tied  to  the  hair  lock  of  the 
dead,  etc.  These  feathers  are  called  "nakwa"  (prayer,  wish),  sometimes  "omaw"  (cloud)  nakwa. 

2  Every  candidate  for  initiation  is  brought  into  (pana)  the  kiva  by  some  woman  (or  in  men's  frater- 
nities, by  some  man)  who  may  be  any  one  selected  by  the  parents,  but  must  not  be  a  clan  relative  of 
the  candidate.  This  godmother  (or  godfather)  is  then  also  forever  called  he  mother  (or  father)  of 
the  one  they  have  Oaqol-vana,  Tcu-vana,  Lan-vana,  etc.,  (lit.:  Oaqol-put  Snake-put  in,  Flute-put 
in,  etc.),  as  the  case  may  be. 


12     FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

of  their  mothers.  Those  who  act  as  sponsors  or  godmothers  for  the 
novices  now  tie  a  nakwakwosi  into  the  hair  of  their  respective  "wards," 
and  those  of  the  latter  who  sit  on  the  floor  are  handed  by  Homikini 
the  louse  scratcher,  to  each  of  which  are  tied  four  nakwakwosis,  which 
are  to  be  deposited  by  them  south  of  the  village,  one  on  each  of  the 
four  succeeding  mornings.  I  have  never  seen  a  boy  initiated,  except 
among  the  small  babies,  and  am  told  that  it  very  seldom  occurs. 

Soon  after  dinner  Masatoiniwa  makes  one  ptihu  (road)  (see  F, 
PI.  VII)  and  four  nakwakwosis  to  be  deposited  at  a  spring  by  Ng6si. 
At  about  three  o'clock  active  preparations  are  made  for  the  evening 
ceremony.  The  kiva  is  swept,  some  finishing  touches  are  made  on  the 
altar,  and  Ngtisi  gets  ready  to  get  the  water  to  be  used  in  the  cere- 
mony. After  Masatoiniwa  has  tied  a  nakwakwosi  into  her  hair,  she 
puts  on  her  ceremonial  robe  (at6e),  takes  a  mongwikuru  (chief's  jug) 
(see  C,  PI.  VII),  a  tottiqpi  (whistle  made  of  an  eagle  wing  bone) 
(see  B,  PI.  VII),  an  old  eagle  wing  feather,  a  corn-ear,  some 
honey,  sacred  meal,  and  the  ptihu  and  nakwakwosis  made  shortly 
before  by  Masatoiniwa,  and  goes  to  lanva,  the  principal  spring  on  the 
west  side  of  the  mesa.  Near  the  spring  she  deposits  one  of  the 
nakwakwosis  and  some  meal  on  the  trail,  throwing  also  a  pinch 
towards  the  spring.  She  then  whistles  four  times  with  the  bone 
whistle,  deposits  the  rest  of  the  nakwakwosis  and  some  meal  in  the 
spring,  spurts  the  honey  on  the  water,  then  dips  water  into  the  mong- 
wikuru with  the  feather  four  times,  and  then  with  the  corn-ear  four 
times,  whereupon  she  fills  the  vessel.  Hereupon  she  says:  "Tumai 
shoshoya  nu  limui  chamto"  ("Go  we!  all  (of)  you  I  have  come  to 
fetch"),  ascends  from  the  spring,  places  the  ptihu  on  the  trail,  sprinkles 
some  meal  on  it,  throwing  also  a  pinch  towards  the  village,  and  then 
returns  to  the  kiva.  Here  she  stops  on  the  east  side  of  the  ladder, 
Masatoiniwa  sprinkles  from  her  to  the  altar  a  line  of  corn-meal,  returns 
and  takes  from  her  the  objects,  goes  along  the  meal  line  to  the  east 
side  of  the  altar,  and  assuming  a  kneeling  position,  hums  a  song  over 
them  waving  them  slightly  up  and  down  to  the  time  of  the  singing.1 
He  then  places  the  objects  on  the  floor,  takes  an  old  buzzard  feather 
and  a  pinch  of  ashes,  and  returns  to  the  priestess,  who  has  seated  her- 
on the  elevated  floor  of  the  kiva  east  of  the  ladder,  her  feet  rest- 
ing on  the  floor  of  the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva.  (See  PI.  VIII.) 
Standing  in  front  of  Ngtisi,  Masatoiniwa  sprinkles  some  of  the  ashes 
along  the  feather  and  then  hums  in  a  low  voice  one  of  the  so-called 
Nawohchi  tawis  (discharming  songs)  in  an  unknown  language: 


PL.  VII.    VARIOUS  CEREMONIAL  OBJECTS. 

A.  Hurunkwa.    The  object  is  supposed  to  represent  the  makwdnpi  (asper- 
gill),  but  unfortunately  in  preparing  the  photograph,  a  wrong  object  was  selected, 
so  the  picture  on  the  plate  is  really  a  hurunkwa,  or  head-dress,  but  the  only  ap- 
parent difference  between  this  and  the  aspergill  would  be,  that  the  latter  has  only 
a  few  feathers. 

B.  Toto'qpi  (bone  whistle).    This  object  is  used  by  the  chief  priestess  when 
she  gets  the  water  for  the  ceremony  from  the  spring.     It  is  made  of  a  bone  of  the 
eagle's  wing,  a  little  wax  being  placed  into  the  opening  in  the  middle  of  the  bone, 
which  produces  the  sound.    These  whistles  are  used  in  almost  all  extended  Hopi 
ceremonies. 

C.  Mongwikuru  ( chief's  jug ).    A  netted  gourd  vessel.     In  this  vessel  the 
chief  priestess  gets  the  water  from  the  spring  for  the  ceremonies;  in  fact,  vessels 
like  this  are  used  for  a  similar  purpose  in  nearly  all  Hopi  kiva  ceremonies.     The 
object  attached  to  the  vessel  is  an  eagle  feather;  a  tiny  ear  of  corn,  which  is  also 
often  attached  to  these  vessels,  is  not  shown  in  the  plate. 

D.  Ndhripi  (  self  scratchier  ).     This  object,  which  is  more  fully  described  in 
the  text  of  the  paper,  is  being  used  by  the  novices  during  the  first  four  days  of  the 
ceremony  for  scratching  the  head,  it  being  forbidden  to  use  the  finger-nail  for  that 
uprjx 

K.  Nakwdkwasi  (prayer  feather).  The  feather  is  taken  from  an  eagle. 
Very  many  of  these  prayer  offerings  are  made  in  connection  with  nearly  all  Hopi 
ceremonies,  feathers  of  different  birds  being  used  for  the  purpose. 

F.  Piihu  (road).  This  feather  offering  is  called  a  road  or  path,  because  it 
is  usually  placed  in  a  path,  or  when  such  is  not  the  case,  it  represents  or  points  out 
a  road  or  path,  from  which  it  is  often  called  piihtavi  (road  leaver  or  road  marker). 
It  is  generally  made  of  an  eagle  breath  feather.  This  prayer  offering  is  also  pre- 
pared in  almost  all  Hopi  extended  ceremonies. 


PL.  VIII.  THE  CHIEF  PRIESTESS  WAITING  TO  BE  DISCHARMED. 
The  plate  shows  Ng6si  immediately  after  her  return  from  the  spring  with 
the  water  to  be  used  in  the  ceremony.  While  the  chief  priest  is  consecrating  the 
water  near  the  altar,  she  is  silently  waiting  at  the  foot  of  the  ladder  until  he  is 
through,  when  he  steps  up  to  her,  and  standing  before  her,  discharms  her  by 
slowly  humming  a  song  and  sprinkling  ashes  along  a  feather  and  brushing  it  off 
the  feather  toward  the  hatchway,  as  described  in  the  text. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  VIII. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTH.  13 

* l  Hahaohaaohahaoho 

Shiwahawaiyaha 

Shiwahawawaawaahayi 

Hoolooloholohololo. " 
(The  above  is  repeated.) 

"Tihirahapahaimaha 

Hahaowiirahainaha 

Hayahayaololoci 

Hayahaololo 

Hayahahayoloolocihihii 

Tihirahapahaimaha 

Hahaowiirahainaha 

Hayahayaololoci 

Hayahaololo 

Hayahahayoloolocihihii 

Hahaohaaohahaoho 

Shiwahawaiyaha 

Shiwahawawaawaahayi ; 

Loolooloholohololo. ' ' 

During  every  verse  he  touches  the  head,  shoulders,  back,  and 
knees  of  the  priestess  with  the  feathers,  then  swings  it  from  right  to 
left  over  her  head  several  times  and  wipes  the  ashes  from  the  feather 
towards  the  hatchway,  sprinkling,  of  course,  new  ashes  on  the  feather 
for  each  new  performance.  This  he  does  six  times.  When  he  is 
through  he  unties  the  nakwa  from  her  hair  and  ties  it  to  the  mdngwi- 
kuru;  she  lays  off  her  robe  and  then  goes  about  her  business.1 

More  participants  keep  coining  in  as  the  time  of  the  evening  cere- 
mony draws  nearer;  now  and  then  a  new  candidate  for  initiation  is 
brought  in;  these,  however,  consist  principally  of  the  babies  whom  the 
mothers  cannot  leave  at  home.  The  women  who  have  been  in  the 
kiva  most  of  the  time  may  be  seen  at  this  time  eating  watermelons, 
peaches,  piki,  etc.  When  finally  the  time  for  the  singing  has  arrived, 
all  arrange  themselves  in  front  of  the  altar,  the  older  women  seating 
themselves  on  the  floor,  the  novices  along  and  on  the  east  banquette, 
the  girls,  who  are  already  members,  on  the  west  banquette.  On  one 
occasion  I  noticed  that  Homikini  and  the  wife2  of  Masatoiniwa  made 

1  One  time  the  priestess  had  forgotten  to  take  the  vessel  along,  and  hence  brought  no  water 
Masatoiniwa,  however,  went  through  the  consecrating  and  discharming  ceremony  in  the  usual  manner, 
taking  the  mongwikuru  from  the  altar  where  it  had  been  forgotten.    Ngosi  commented  a  good  deal  on 
the  occurrence  to  the  other  women,  and  when  the  discharming  ceremony  was  over  she  fetched  some 
water  in  a  common  vessel  and  without  any  ceremony. 

2  Homikini  belongs  to  the  Snake,  Lizard  and  Sand  clans,  the   woman  to  the  Kwan  (Agave) 
clan,  who  owns  the  fire.    Homikini  says  he  makes  the  prayer-offering  because  he  keeps  up  the  fire 


14    FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM  —ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

a  nakwakwosi  for  the  fire,  and  placed  it  on  the  floor  near  the  fireplace; 
but  I  am  told  that  this  is  done  in  every  ceremony  Ng6si,  who  has  in 
the  mean  while  put  the  medicine  bowl,  corn-ears,  cloud  symbols,  etc., 
into  their  places,  pours  the  water  from  the  mongwikuru  into  the  medi- 
cine bowl,  and  when  all  have  seated  themselves,  sprinkles  a  heavy 
meal  line  from  the  tiponi  to  the  east  side  of  the  ladder,  throwing  also 
a  pinch  up  the  ladder  towards  the  hatchway.  Masatoiniwa  then 
sprinkles  on  the  same  line  a  line  of  talasi  (corn-pollen),  also  throwing 
a  pinch  up  the  ladder.  Both  then  take  a  seat  in  the  circle.  Masatoi- 
niwa and  Ng6si  say:  "Pai  itam  hahlaifcahKang  pavasionagani"  ("Now 
we  shall  joyfully  perform  this  ceremony").  Whereupon  the  singing 
commences.  During  the 

First  Song  nothing  of  importance  takes  place,  but  during  the 
Second  Song  Talasnga,  who  fills  the  position  of  sprinkler,  sprinkles 
corn  meal  along  the  north  corn-ear  into  the  medicine  bowl,  picks  up  the 
corn-ear  and  its  husband,  and  holding  them  in  a  slanting  position, 
beats  time  with  them  on  the  floor  during  the  first  verse  of  the  song. 
During  the  second  verse  she  does  the  same  with  the  same  two  objects 
from  the  west  side  of  the  medicine  bowl,  and  so  on  with  all  six. 
During  the 

TJiird  Song  Ng6si  picks  up  a  tray  with  fine  meal,  steps  on  the 
banquette  north  of  the  altar,  and  while  the  first  stanza  of  the  song 
is  chanted,  rubs  with  her  right  hand  four  lines  of  meal  on  the  wall. 
While  the  second  stanza  is  sung  she  does  the  same  on  the  west  wall, 
then  on  the  south  and  east  walls.  While  the  fifth  verse  is  sung  she 
throws  four  pinches  of  meal  towards  the  star  already  described,  the 
object  evidently  being  to  make  the  meal  adhere  to  one  of  the  large 
joists.  During  the  sixth  stanza  she  places  four  small  piles  of  meal  on 
the  floor  on  the  east  side  of  the  altar,  pressing  them  down  with  the 
palm  side  of  her  fingers.  All  these  meal  marks  are  made  at  certain 
reoccurring  lines  in  the  different  verses  of  the  song;  during  the  inter- 
vals the  priestess  stands  and  waves  the  tray  up  and  down  to  the  time 
of  the  singing.  When  she  is  through  she  resumes  her  seat.  This 
performance  is  called  "(t°)  make  a  house,"  and  it  occurs  in  many 
ilopi  ceremonies.  The  four  lines  are  called  "house."  They  are  also 
made  in  the  room  in  which  a  child  is  born,  in  which  case  one  of  them 
on  each  wall — beginning  from  below — is  scraped  off  on  the  fifth,  one 
on  the  tenth,  one  on  the  fifteenth,  and  the  last  four  on  the  twentieth 
day.  This  scraping  off  of  the  lines  I  have  never  observed  in  cere- 
monies. 

during  the  ceremony.    On  this,  the  fourth  and  the  eighth  day  the  prayer-offerings  are  thrust  into 

tlif  tin-  with  the  little  corn-meal  with  these  words:  "  It  nmi  ngem  yuku,  urn  shiiyan  talat  uvivitanil" 

-  1  have  made  tor  you;  very  brightly  you  will  burn!") 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTH.  15 

Fourth  Song.  The  sprinkler  first  takes  a  little  sarrrd  mral  from 
a  tray  between  her  thumb  and  foiv linger,  sprinkles  it  along  the 
north  corn-ear  into  the  medicine  bowl,  then  some  corn-pollen,  where- 
upon she  picks  up  the  corn-ear,  holds  it  over  the  medicine  bowl,  and 
pours  a  little  water  from  the  mdngwikuru  over  the  corn-ear  into  the 
medicine  bowl.  This  performance  she  repeats  with  the  other  five  corn- 
eais  during  the  following  five  verses  of  the  song.  While  the 

Fifth  Song  is  chanted  the  sprinkler  only  asperges  occasionally  to- 
wards the  altar,  but  during  the 

Sixth  Song  Masatoiniwa  goes  to  the  fireplace,  lights  the  omawtapi 
(cloud  producer),  a  large,  cone-shaped  pipe  which  he  has  previously 
filled,  takes  a  little  honey  into  his  mouth,  kneels  before  the  medicine 
bowl,  and  taking  the  wide  end  of  the  pipe  between  his  lips,  blows 
large  clouds  of  smoke  towards  the  altar,  over  the  objects  in  front  of 
it,  and  into  the  medicine  bowl.  The  smoke  usually  causes  int< 
coughing  of  the  women,  so  that  they  can  only  keep  up  the  singing 
with  great  difficulty.  After  cleaning  the  pipe  he  replaces  it  near  the 
fireplace  and  then  resumes  his  seat  in  the  circle  of  singers. 

Seventh  Song.  The  sprinkler  takes  the  cloud  block  with  the  butter- 
fly on  it  that  stands  on  the  north  side  of  the  medicine  bowl,  tilts 
it  forward  so  that  the  butterfly  touches  the  water  in  the  medicine 
bowl,  and  then  waves  it  up  and  down  slightly  to  the  time  of  the  sing- 
ing. In  this  manner  she  "waters"  the  butterflies  that  stand  on  the 
other  three  sides  of  the  medicine  bowl,  and  then  also  the  two  birds  on 
the  west  side  of  the  altar. 

Eighth  Song.  During  the  first  stanza  the  sprinkler  waves  the 
bone  whistle  towards  the  medicine  bowl  from  the  north  side,  and  then 
whistles  into  the  bowl  several — generally  three — times.  During  the 
second  stanza  she  does 'the  same  from  the  west  side,  and  so  on,  from 
the  six  ceremonial  directions,  asperging  with  the  makwanpi  (aspergill) 
(see  A,  PI.  VII)  after  the  whistling.1 

During  the  following  four  songs  nothing  of  importance  takes 
place,  but  during  the 

Thirteenth  Song  Ng6si  takes  a  tray  containing  a  powder  that 
consists  of  corn-meal  and  pulverized  sunflower  blossom  leaves,  stands 
on  the  north-west  corner  of  the  altar  awhile,  waving  the  tray  up  and 
down  to  the  time  of  the  singing,  and  then  she  rubs  a  little  of  the 
powder  into  the  face  of  every  participant,  whereupon  she  resumes  her 
position  on  the  north-west  corner  of  the  altar,  again  waving  the  tray 
to  the  time  of  the  singing.  When  the  singing  stops  she  places  the 

1  In  igoi  this  whistling  took  place  during  the  seventh,  the  watering  of  the  birds  during  the 

eighth  song. 


16  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

tray  on  the  floor,  and  says,  "Askwali"  (thanks)!  Masatoiniwa 
says  the  same,  and  all  three  sprinkle  corn-meal  towards  the 
altar.  Those  who  do  not  have  any  in  their  hand  are  given  some 
by  the  others  from  one  of  the  trays.  Masatoiniwa  and  all  the  women 
in  the  circle  around  the  altar,  who  may  be  considered  the  leaders, 
hereupon  say,  "Pai  ita  ookaoyani"  ("We  shall  be  strong,  or  encour- 
aged"). Ng6si  goes  slowly  along  the  meal  and  corn-pollen  line  from 
the  tiponi  towards,  and  a  few  rungs  up,  the  ladder,  which  ends  the 
ceremony.  It  is  now  generally  about  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 
The  meeting  breaks  up  and  most  of  the  participants  leave  the  kiva, 
the  girls  generally  leaving  first.  Soon  a  great  variety  of  food  is 
brought  into  the  kiva  by  women  and  girls  and  placed  on  the  floor. 
The  inmates  of  the  kiva  group  themselves  around  it  and  enjoy  the 
supper,  which  has  been  provided  by  the  families  of  the  participants  in 
the  ceremony,  and  which  is  seasoned  and  flavored  by  a  lively  conver- 
sation, by  jokes,  and  laughter,  of  which  the  Hopi  are  very  fond. 

SECOND   DAY. 
SHUSH  TALA.     (ONCE  DAY.) 

The  women  who,  of  course,  have  slept  in  the  kiva,  arise  between 
four  and  half  past  four  o'clock  in  the  morning.  As  soon  as  they 
are  awake  they  commence  to  practice  singing,  some  sitting  up,  some 
still  lying  down.  Some  continue  to  sleep  as  long  as  they  are  permitted 
to  do  so.  A  few  of  the  other  women,  with  Masatoiniwa,  seat  them- 
selves in  front  of  the  altar  and  sing  a  few  songs,  though  this  is  so 
informal  that  it  can  hardly  be  called  a  ceremony.  They  are  songs  to 
the  dawn  and  the  morning  and  are  sung  on  the  morning  of  the  second, 
third,  fourth,  fifth,  and  eighth  days. 

At  about  five  o'clock,  when  all  are  up,  a  little  ceremony  takes 
place,  called  "kiiivato. "  The  women  take  their  corn-ear  "mothers' 
and  a  pinch  of  sacred  meal  and  proceed  to  a  rock  south-east  of  but 
close  to  the  village,  the  chief  priestess  leading  the  column.  Here 
they  form  in  a  line,  facing  the  east.  They  hold  the  sacred  meal  to 
their  lips,  whisper  a  prayer  on  it,  and  then  throw  it  towards  the  east, 
where  the  qoydngwQnuptu  (white-rising  or  dawn),  or  sometimes  the 
sifcdngwdnQptfl  (yellow-rising  or  dawn)  may  be  seen  illumining  the  sky. 
The  novices  also  deposit  one  of  the  four  nakwakwosis  which  they 
received  with  the  head  scratcher  the  previous  day.  All  then  silently 
return — Ngdsi  again  heading  the  line— to  the  kiva,  where  they  replace 
their  corn-ears  on  the  floor  near  the  altar.  This  rite  of  kiiivato  takes 
place  in  all  Hopi  kiva  ceremonies,  so  far  as  I  know,  though  varying 


DEC.,  1903.      THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTH.  i) 

somewhat  in  form.  The  name  signifies  "(I)  go  to  see"  (or  "to  look," 
"to  behold").  Just  why  this  performance  is  so  ternu-d  nobody  has 
thus  far  been  able  to  tell  me.  But  as  the  ceremonial  performances  in 
the  kiva  are,  as  a  rule,  not  supposed  to  begin  before  the  appearance 
of  the  morning  dawn,  the  dawn  is  often  spoken  of  and  watched  in  the 
kiva.  Not  infrequently  some  one  will  be  told:  "Urn  aokuivato"  < 
and  see,  look")!  Whereupon  one  thus  instructed  will  ascend  the 
ladder  to  see  whether  it  is  already  dawning.  While  this  is,  of  course, 
entirely  informal,  the  little  rite  described  above  might  be  taken  as  a 
formal  ceremonial,  going  to  behold  or  to  see  whether  the  morning 
dawn  has  appeared.  In  this  rite  all  are  supposed  to  participate.  With 
it  is  connected  a  little  prayer-offering  to  the  precursor  of  the  sun,  the 
dawn,  and  also  to  the  sun  itself.  The  men  usually  perform  this  rite 
closer  to  the  kiva.  When  I  asked  one  of  them  what  they  prayed,  he  said 
they  usually  uttered  a  short  prayer  to  the  dawn  and  to  the  sun,  saying: 
"Tawa  inaa,  dkiw  yokwani  piiu  itam  hikwyani"  ("Sun,  my  father!  oh 
(make  it)  rain,  and  we  shall  drink").  I  have  noticed  several  times 
that  women  who  happened  to  be  absent  when  the  others  performed  the 
rite  of  kiiivato  afterwards  performed  it  alone,  but  close  to  the  kiva. 

Having  returned  to  the  kiva  the  women  usually  go  to  their  homes 
to  attend  to  their  household  duties  and  to  prepare  the  morning  meal. 
Some  return  to  the  kiva  sooner,  others  later.  When  the  sun  rises 
Ng6si  turns  the  sun  slab  on  the  altar  around  so  that  the  side  showing 
the  drawing  of  the  moon,  which  had  been  turned  forward  during  the 
night,  is  hidden  from  view,  and  the  sun  symbol  shown  during  the  day. 

At  about  seven  o'clock  Masatoiniwa,  Homikini,  and  Ng6~si  prepare 
some  prayer-offerings  as  follows:  Masatoiniwa  five  ptihus  (roads), 
Ng6si  five,  and  Homikini  seven  nakwakwosis.1  When  they  are  done 
they  are  placed  on  a  tray  and  all  three  smoke  over  them.  This  is  one 
of  the  few  occasions  on  which  Hopi  women  smoke.  The-  smoke  is 
blown  on  the  tray.  After  the  smoking,  Ngosi  takes  the  tray  in  her 
hands,  Masatoiniwa  a  mosilili  (tent  or  cone-shell)  rattle,  Homikini  a 
gourd  rattle,  and  the  three  then  sing  the  following  over  the  tray, 
waving  the  tray  and  the  rattles  to  the  time  of  the  singing: 

I. 
"Yayayowaya,  yayayowaya, 

Yahayoway  yahahayoway, 
Owaya  owa  owaya." 

1  This,  however,  has  been  observed  on  this  day  only  once,  and  hence  I  cannot  say  from  per- 
sonal observation  whether  always  just  this  number  is  made.  I  am  told  that  each  one  makes  one 
nakwakwosi  for  each  world  quarter,  Masatoiniwa  also  one  for  the  earth  or  sand,  because  he  belongs  to 
the  Sand  clan.  Ngosi  does  the  same;  Homikini,  one  for  the  snakes  and  one  for  the  lizards,  because 
he  belongs  to  those  clans.  One  he  made  tor  the  sun,  which,  however,  he  says  is  sometimes  made  by 
Masatoiniwa. 


i8  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

II. 

"Pohohohoolaina, 
Poooolaina,  Poooolaina; 
Pohohoholaina,  Pohohoholaina 
Ayaywaitawaita  ciyano 
Ayaywaitawaita  ciyanohay. " 
Both  songs  are  chanted  a  number  of  times.      As  the  language  is 
not  Hopi  I  was  unable  to  ascertain  the  meaning.      They  are  undoubt- 
edly fragmentary  parts  of  old  songs.      All  three  put  some  meal  on  the 
tray,  whereupon  it  is  placed  on  the  west  side  of  the  altar.      Breakfast 
is  then  eaten,  Ng6si  fasting  all  day,  the  others  abstaining  from  meats 
and  salted  food.      After  breakfast,  four  girls  are  directed  to   put  on 
their  ceremonial  blanket  (at66)  and  are  then  sent  out  with  the  prayer- 
offerings  just  described,  one  to  the  north,  another  to  the  west,  the 
third  to  the  south,  and  the  fourth  to  the  east  side  of  the  village,  where 
they  lay  them  down  at  prescribed   places,1  sprinkling  a  little  meal  on 
them  after  they  have  been  deposited. 

During  the  day  most  of  the  women  are  generally  in  their  houses. 
Some,  however,  engage  in  making  baskets  in  the  kiva.  The  novices 
grind  corn  the  first  four  days  for  their  godmothers,  who  in  turn  make 
trays  for  the  novices,  or  in  some  cases,  though  seldom  during  the  first 
four  days,  instruct  the  latter  in  the  art  of  basket-making.  The  bask- 
ets made  during  the  ceremony  are  used  in  the  public  performance  on 
the  ninth  day  and  are  made  in  a  great  variety  of  designs.  Those 
made  by  the  beginners  are  usually  small  and  far  from  being  elaborate. 
While  the  women  are  thus  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  trays 
the  two  men  either  get  wood  for  the  kiva  or  do  work  in  their  homes. 
When  in  the  kiva  they  smoke  or  eat  occasionally.  Now  and  then  chil- 
dren are  initiated;  the  larger  ones  receive  the  proper  number  of 
nakwakwosis  and  all  the  usual  corn-ear  "mother";  but  head  scratch- 
i  am  told,  are  given  on  the  first  day  only. 
All  eat  in  the  kiva;  even  the  girls  who  grind  corn  in  the  houses 
come  to  the  kiva  for  that  purpose.  Again  no  meat  or  seasoned  food 
is  eaU-n. 

1  <  »n  tin-  north  side,  in  a  shrine  called  "  Kuiwanva,"  on  the  west  side  at  a  shrine  called 
"Nuvatiicaovi  "Snow  Might),"  on  the  south  side  near  a  bush  at  the  edge  of  the  mesa,  on  the  eastside 
at  a  place,  half-way  down  the  mesa,  that  has  no  special  name. 


iSSPlwHB 
\  \* 


PL.  IX.    THE  NATSI  OUTSIDE  OF  THE  KIVA. 

This  na"tsi,  or  society  emblem,  is  made  during  the  fourth  day,  and  placed  out- 
side of  the  kiva,  at  the  south  end  of  the  hatchway,  early  in  the  morning  of  the  fifth 
day.  It  consists  of  a  clay  pedestal,  into  which  is  inserted  a  yellow  ear  of  corn, 
two  eagle  tail  feathers,  and  a  little  twig  of  an  herb.  South  of  the  kiva  is  shown 
some  brush  which  is  used  as  fuel  in  the  kiva. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTII.  19 

THIRD    DAY. 
LOSH  TALA.     (TWICE  DAY.) 

This  day  is  spent  in  essentially  the  same  manner  as  tin-  previous 
day.  The  novices  deposit  the  second  of  their  four  nak\v;ik\v<>sis ;  all 
make  the  usual  morning  offering  (hiiivato).  The  leaders  make  the 
usual  ikroads"  and  nakwakwosis  which  are  deposited  on  the  four  sides 
of  the  village;1  basket-making  is  going  on  in  the  kiva  throughout  the 
day,  etc.  All  are  expected  to  eat  in  the  kiva,  and  while  in  a  general 
way  the  three  "meal  times" — morning,  noon,  and  night — are  observed, 
more  or  less  eating  is  going  on  all  day,  singly  or  in  groups.  When 
the  novices  are  in  the  kiva  and  not  at  work  they  usually  sit  at  their 
assigned  places  on  the  floor  in  the  east  side  of  the  kiva.  On  one 
occasion  I  noticed  that  Ng6si  rubbed  into  the  faces  of  all  present  a 
little  of  the  yellow  powder  which  she  used  for  that  purpose  in  the 
singing  ceremony.  I  am  told  that  she  does  this  every  day. 

The  fasts  are  observed  on  this  and  the  following  day  in  the  same 
manner  as  on  the  previous  day. 

FOURTH    DAY. 
BAYISHTALA.     (THRICE  DAY.) 

This  is  again  one  of  the  more  important  days  of  the  ceremony. 
In  the  morning  the  usual  rite  of  kiiivato  takes  place,  -the  novices 
deposit  their  third  nakwakwosi,  the  three  leaders  again  make  prayer- 
offerings,  which  are  deposited  outside  of  the  village2  by  four  novices, 
etc.  '  More  women  come  in  this  day;  each  new-comer  first  sprinkles  a 
pinch  of  corn-meal  to  the  altar.  Ng6si  brings  into  the  kiva  a  sprig  of 
cuowi  (Rhus  Trilobata,  Nutt),  two  bald  eagle  tail  feathers,  and  a  yellow 
corn-ear,  for  the  new  natsi  that  is  put  up  this  day.  Masatoiniwa  makes 
four  nakwakwosis  of  sikatsi  (fly-catcher)  feathers,  ties  them  to  the 
sprig,  and  the  latter  is  then  tied  together  with  the  eagle  feathers  and 
corn-ear,  the  whole  thrust  into  a  clay  pedestal,  the  latter  colored  with 
some  sunflower  blossom  powder,  and  then  this  new  natsi  is  placed  east 
of  the  altar  to  be  put  later  outside  and  at  the  south  end  of  the  hatch- 
way. (See  PI.  IX.)  Masatoiniwa  also  made  a  double  green  baho  about 
six  inches  long,  to  which  he  fastened  a  cotton  string  "road,"  about 
three  feet  long,  which  he  moistened  in  honey,  rolled  in  corn-pollen, 
and  to  the  end  of  which  were  fastened  a  large  eagle  breath  feather  and 

1  But  this  day  somewhat  closer  by,  on  the  north  side  at  Achamali  (a  shrine),  on  the  west  side  at 
Tepchochmo  (greasewood  knoll),  on  the  south  side  near  a  small  bluff,  on  the  east  side  at  Tcooka- 
yahantingwa  (the  place  where  clay  is  dug  out  i. 

2  North:  Tokoonavi;  representing  the  Navajo  Mountains;  west:  near  a  trail  at  the  edge  of  the 
me3a;  south:  at  a  rock  called  "Tukvishahpukpu  "  (broken  or  caved-in  bluff);  east:  at  the  edge  of  the 
mesa  near  a  trail. 


20  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 


some  siEatsi   feathers.      Pie  wrapped  the  baho   into  a   corn-husk  and 
placed  it  on  the  floor  on  the  east  side  of  the  altar. 

Basket-making  is  going  on  throughout  the  day,  in  which  evei 
Ng6si  sometimes  participates,  as,  in  fact,  she  does  every  day.  I  agaii 
noticed  on  one  occasion  that  Ng6si  rubbed  some  of  the  yellow  powdei 
into  the  faces  of  all  present.  Occasionally  some  of  the  women  form 
circle  and  practice  the  singing  and  dancing  for  the  plaza  performance 
on  the  ninth  day.  A  good  deal  of  singing  is  also  done  by  the  womei 
while  they  are  at  work  making  baskets. 

H6mikini  brings  into  the  kiva  some  time  in  the  forenoon  a  small, 
green  corn-stalk  and  some  vines  and  runners  of  beans,  melons,  squashes, 
etc.,  which  are  hung  on  the  altar  on  each  side. 

Soon  after  dinner  the  leaders  begin  to  renew  the  altar.  Ng6< 
removes  the  objects  from  in  front  of  the  upright  frame  and  sweeps  u] 
the  sand,  which  is  eagerly  divided  up  among  the  women  in  the  kiva, 
who  either  put  it  on  the  piles  of  sand  in  which  they  keep  their  baskei 
willows  moist  or  take  it  home,  where  it  is  sprinkled  on  the  floor  at  thi 
places  where  the  corn  is  to  be  piled  up,  or,  where  it  already  has  beei 
brought  in;  the  sand  is  put  on  the  floor  close  to  the  corn. 

Ng6si  also  ties  two  small  trays  to  the  two  sides  of  the  upright 
altar  frame,  which  have  been  made  by  herself,  ties  nakwakwosis  t< 
the  necks  of  the  birds,  places  the  newly  made .  natsi  in  front  of  th< 
batni  and  otherwise  rearranges  the  objects  in  front  of  the  altar. 

Masatoiniwa  has  in  the  mean  while  made  four  nakwakwosis  am 
one  "road"  of  hawk  feathers.  On  one  occasion  I  noticed  that  hi 
had  tied  with  the  latter  a  few  small  sifcatsi  feathers.  Between  two  an< 
three  o'clock  Ng6si  puts  on  her  at66,  takes  these  prayer-offerings, 
some  meal,  a  mdngwikuru,  bone  whistle,  buzzard  feather,  and  a  littl< 
honey,  and  after  Masatoiniwa  has  tied  the  nakwakwosi  from  th< 
monwikuru  into  her  hair,  she  again  goes  to  the  spring  Lanva  and  get< 
some  water,  in  the  same  manner  as  on  the  first  day.  The  little  singing 
ceremony  by  Masatoiniwa  over  the  objects  brought  back  by  Ng6si  i: 
the  same  as  on  the  first  day.  I  am  told  that  he  sings  the  foltowin] 
song,  which  he  repeats  several  times: 


( 'ihiihiiicaka 
Cihiihiiiihicakoya 
Ahanainukiya 
Porororoka 

Kaaochanoma 

Kaaakuruka 

Cihiiiihiiiicako 

Cihiiiihiiiicakoyayaya. 


This  is  sung  twice. 

This  line  is  sung  to  the  north. 
This  line  is  sung  to  the  west. 
This  line  is  sung  to  the  south. 
This  line  is  sung  to  the  east. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTII.  21 

This  song,  as  so  many  in  Hopi  ceremonies,  has  found  its  way  to 
the  Hopi  from  the  1'ueblos  in  New  Mexico.  Sonic  of  these  son-s  are 
lot  understood  at  all,  some,  like  this  one,  only  partly. 

After  thus  consecrating  tin-  water  brought  in  by  Ngnsi,  Masatoi- 
:mva  disehanns  her  in  the  same  \\a\  as  on  tiu-  first  day,  whereupon 
die  disrobes  and  assists  in  the-  preparations  for  the  approaching 

ceremony. 

During  her  absence,  Masatoiniwa  has  sprinkled  fresh  sand  on  the 
loor  and  removed  the  cloud  picture  in  front  of  the  altar.  His  \\  • 
A-ho  belongs  to  the  Agave  clan,  which  is  one  of  the  clans'  that  owns 
:he  fire,  and  Homikini  make  each  a  nakwakwosi  and  place  the  same  as 
DII  the  first  day.  The  members  of  the  Agave  clan  also  often  place  a 
ittle  food  near  the  fireplace  before- eating. 

New  participants  have  in  the  meanwhile  been  coming  in,  each  one 
>ringing  her  corn-ear  "mother"  and  some  sacred  meal  which  she 
sprinkles  on  the  altar.  When  Masatoiniwa  has  completed  the  cloud 
;ymbol  picture  Ng6si  puts  the  medicine  bowl,  cloud  symbols,  birds, 
itc.,  in  their  proper  places  and  puts  the  last  finishing  touches  to  the 
iltar  in  general. 

Some  of  the  women  continue  to  make  baskets  until  the  ceremony 
s  about  to  begin.  Others  form  little  groups  here  and  there  around  a 
ivatermelon,  piki  tray,  and  food  bowl,  and  enjoy  a  luncheon.  Little 
celehoyas  (novices)  are  still  passed  through  the  mohdngola,  in  the 
nanner  already  described. 

At  about  half-past  three  o'clock  all  arrange  themselves  around  the 
iltar,  Ngtfsi  sprinkles  meal  and  Masatoiniwa  corn-pollen  from  the 
:iponi  to  the  ladder,  as  on  the  evening  of  the  first  day,  and  then  fol- 
ows  exactly  the  same  singing  ceremony  with  the  attendant  perform- 
inces  during  the  different  songs  as  on  the  first  day. 

When  the  ceremony  is  over,  most  of  the  participants  leave  the 
dva.  As  a  rule,  the  girls  go  out  first.  Some  return  sooner,  others 
ater.  Those  who  are  in  the  kiva  generally  spend  the  time,  until  the 
evening  meal  is  brought  in,  practicing  the  songs  and  the  peculiar 
iccompanying  gestures  of  the  hands  for  the  public  performance  on 
:he  last  day.  For  the  evening  meal  all  assemble  in  the  kiva.  Every 
3ne  brings  her  share  of  food,  places  it  on  the  floor,  all  seat  themselves 
iround  the  common  board  and  eat  the  victuals,  that  have  been  brought 
:ogether,  in  common.  They  consist  of  piki  (a  thin  wafer  bread,  baked 
n  large  sheets,  but  folded  together),  peaches,  watermelons,  stewed 

1  In  the  new  year  ceremony,  which  is  controlled  by  the  Agave  clan,  and  which  takes  place  in 
he  Agave  kiva,  new  fire  is  made  with  sticks  and  dry  cedar  bark  early  in  the  morning.  The  same  is 
lone  in  certain  ceremonies  of  the  Horn  Society. 


22  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY.,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 


squash,  popped  corn,  stew,  various  kinds  of  mush,  different  dishes  of 
meal,  etc. 

During  the  following  night  no  one  is  allowed  to  sleep,  ceremonies 
taking  place  several  times  during  the  night.  The  performances  of 
this  evening  and  night,  however,  have  been  observed  one  time  only. 
My  notes  run  as  follows: 

Nothing  of  importance  took  place  during  the  evening  until  twelve 
o'clock.  It  was  spent  mostly  in  practicing  for  the  public  perform- 
ance, which  was  relieved  by  intervals  of  gossipping,  joking,  and 
eating. 

A  third  man,  Yeshiwa,  the  husband  of  the  chief  priestess,  had 
come  in  towards  evening  and  spent  the  night  in  the  kiva.  Also  a 
number  of  women  and  girls,  who  had  not  yet  been  present  had  put  in 
their  appearance,  so  that  about  forty  persons  were  present  during  the 
night. 

FIFTH   DAY. 
NALOSH  TALA.     (FOUR   TIMES  DAY.) 

From  twelve  o'clock  to  half-past  twelve  in  the  morning,  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  the  kiva  was  the  same  as  before  twelve  o'clock;  a 
free  conversation  throughout  the  kiva,  here  and  there  small  groups 
around  a  watermelon,  piki  tray,  or  food  bowl,  etc.  From  half-past 
twelve  until  one  in  the  morning,  all  formed  a  long  circuit,  facing  its 
center  and  moving  slowly  sideways,  again  practicing  the  songs,  motions, 
and  dance  to  be  performed  on  the  plaza  the  last  day.  At  one  o'clock 
all  the  novices  were  sent  home,  as  they  were  said  to  be  too  young  to 
witness  the  costuming,  etc.,  about  to  take  place.  When  they  had  left, 
the  objects  in  front  of  the  altar  frame  (birds,  medicine  bowl,  cloud 
symbols,  figurines,  etc.,)  were  placed  on  the  floor  near  the  fireplace,  and 
Masutoiniwa  and  Taldsngainoma  were  dressed  up  for  the  ceremony  to 
take  place  in  which  the  first  was  to  represent  Miiyingwa,  the  God  of 

•lination  and  Growth,  and  the  latter,  Nayangaptiimsi,  the  Goddess 

1  kinds  of  seeds.  The  body  decoration  of  Masatoiniwa  was  as 
follows:  The  lower  arms,  lower  legs,  a  band  running  from  shoulder  to 
shoulder,  another  band  running  around  the  body  over  the  abdomen 

i  from  two  to  three  inches  wide),  and  a  narrower  band  around  the 
leg  over  each  knee  were  daubed  white;  his  chin  was  painted  black  by 
Ngdsi.  His  costume  consisted  of  the  usual  ceremonial  kilt  and  sash, 
ankle  bands,  fox  skin,  bandoleer,  and  leg  bands  of  strands  of  dark- 
blue  yarn,  many  strands  of  beads,  turquoise  ear  pendants,  and  a 
k\vd<  hakwa  (bunch  of  white  eagle  breath  feathers),  on  the  apex,  a 
single  nakwdkwosi — taken  from  the  mongwikuru — on  the  front  of  the 


PL.  X.    THE  Tumi. 

This  robe  is  used  by  certain  personages  in  many  of  the  extended  Hopi 
monies,  also  by  certain  Kateinas.  In  this  case  it  forms  a  part  of  the  costun 
the  Odqol-mdnas.  The  body  of  the  robe  is  made  of  cotton,  the  embroidery  work 
is  done  with  wool.  In  the  lower  borders  may  be  seen  three  symbols  of  blossoms, 
representing  the  blossoms  of  melons,  squashes,  herbs,  and  flowers,  etc.  Two  of 
the  figures  of  the  border  represent  the  hokona,  a  large  butterfly  that  figures  in 
many  of  the  Hopi  ceremonies.  What  the  five  double  triangular  shaped  figures  of 
the  top  of  the  lower  border  mean,  no  one  has  thus  far  been  able  to  tell  me.  It  is 
not  unlikely,  however,  that  they  represent  nakwiiwosis  (prayer  offerings)  of  turkey 
feathers.  The  meaning  of  the  white  lines  in  the  two  borders  and  all  the  perpen- 
dicular stripes  have  as  yet  not  been  ascertained,  either. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQUL  CEREMONY — VOTII.  23 

head.  To  his  right  wrist  he  had  tied  an  old  bell.1  The  woman  had 
white  forearms,  white  feet,  and  lu-r  chin  was  also  daubed  black  by  N^usi. 
She  wore  her  regulation  dress,  but  over  it,  in  the  form  of  a  dress,  tin- 
large  embroidered  ceremonial  blanket  (tuihi)  (see  IM.  X),  and  over  this, 
on  the  upper  part  of  her  body,  an  embroidered  katcma  kilt,  which  was 
folded  under  her  right  arm  and  the  two  ends  tied  together  over  her 
left  shoulder  and  on  her  left  side.  The  tuihi  dress  was  held  in  place 
by  a  white,  knotted  wukokwava  (big  belt),  which  was  tied  on  her  left 
side.  In  her  ears  she  wore  a  pair  of  tuoynahkas  (square  ear  pendants, 
inlaid  with  turquoise)  and  on  her  head  a  nakwakwosi,  also  taken  from 
a  mongwikuru.  Around  her  neck  she  wore  numerous  strands  of  beads 
from  which  was  suspended  an  abalone  shell,  around  the  ankles  figured 
katcina  ankle  bands,  and  to  her  left  wrist  she  had  tied  an  old  bell. 

As  soon  as  they  were  dressed  they  went  behind  the  altar  frame, 
where  they  waited  until  the  novices  had  been  called  and  seated  at 
their  usual  places  on  the  floor  in  the  east  side  of  the  kiva.  It  was  now 
two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  When  all  were  seated,  the  women  began 
to  sing,  whereupon  the  two  emerged  from  behind  the  altar.  Masatoi- 
niwa  held  in  both  hands  a  netted  wheel  about  twelve  inches  in  diameter. 
This  was,  as  nearly  as  I  could  make  out,  of  the  same  pattern  as  the 
wheels  used  on  the  last  day  by  the  two  Oaqol  manas,  consisting  of  a 
wooden  ring  about  three-quarters  of  an  inch  thick,  which  was  filled 
with  a  network  of  small  meshes,  leaving  a  small  opening  in  the  center. 
This  is  called  "bachaiyanpi"  (water  sieve),  because  the  cloud  deities 
have  such  strainers  through  which  they  sift  or  drop  the  rain.  The 
women  held  in  both  hands  a  common  pota.2  The  two  performed  a 
peculiar  jumping3  dance,  forward,  backward,  and  sideways,  first 
before  the  altar,  then  in  front  of  the  novices,  always  waving  the 
objects  they  held,  up  and  down  (as  a  wish,  it  is  explained,  that  they, 
the  novices,  may  grow  old),  and  from  one  side  to  the  other  and 
towards  the  novices  to  the  time  of  the  singing.  Having  danced 
before  the  novices  a  while  they  retreated  to  the  altar,  danced  there, 
then  again  in  front  of  the  novices,  etc.,  dancing  six  times  at  both 
places.  Hereupon  they  handed  the  two  objects  to  two  women,  who 
said,  "Askwali"  (thanks)!  The  singing  stopped  and  the  two  actors 
disappeared  behind  the  altar. 

In  a  few  minutes  they  emerged  again  from  behind   the  altar,  the 

1  A  number  of  these  bells  exist  in  Oraibi.    They  vary  in  size  from  two  to  six  inches  high  and  are 
used  in  different  ceremonies.    Until  a  few  years  ago  they  were  in  charge  of  the  Kwan  (Agave)  chief 
priest,  but  owing  to  a  quarrel  between  the  liberal  and  conservative  members  of  the  order,  they  have 
not  always  been  returned  of  late  years  when  being  borrowed  for  use  in  ceremonials. 

2  A  basket  tray,  made  on  the  second  mesa. 

3  I  am  told  the  jumping  on  the  floor  is  to  serve  as  an  announcement  to  Muyingwa.  the  God 
of  Growth,  who  lives  below,  that  the  ceremony  is  in  progress. 


24  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

man  from  the  west,  the  woman  from  the  east  side,  and  repeated  the 
same  kind  of  a  dance.  This  time,  however,  Masatoiniwa  held  a 
mongwikuru  in  his  right,  a  bell  in  his  left  hand,  the  woman  the  tiponi 
in  her  right  and  also  a  bell  in  her  left  hand.  The  objects  are  waved 
to  the  time  of  the  dancing,  but  not  towards  the  novices.  The  two 
danced  in  front  of  the  row  of  the  novices,  first  southward,  then  north- 
ward, etc.,  four  times  southward  and  four  times  northward  in  all. 
When  done,  they  handed  the  objects  to  Ng6si,  who  said,  "thanks," 
and  replaced  them  on  the  floor.  The  two  withdrew  behind  the  altar 
frame,  'where  they  removed  their  costumes. 

It  was  now  a  quarter-past  two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  While  the 
two  dancers  washed  off  the  paint  from  their  bodies,  Ngtisi  replaced  all 
the  objects  in  front  of  the  altar,  whereupon  the  leaders  seated 
themselves  at  their  usual  places,  south  of  the  altar,  the  other  partici- 
pants behind  them  in  the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva,  and  the  singing 
ceremony  that  took  place  the  previous  evening  and  on  the  first  day 
was  repeated,  as  far  as  I  could  judge.  As  it  was  almost  entirely  dark 
in  front  of  the  altar  I  could  not  see  whether  the  different  performances 
during  the  different  songs  (with  the  corn,  birds,  etc.)  took  place  as 
usual.  But  as  the  four  meal  lines  were  made  and  the  cloud  producer 
used,  I  infer  that  the  assurance  given  me,  that  the  ceremony  is  the 
same  as  the  others,  is  correct. 

The  novices  remained  in  their  places  during  the  performance. 
Ye"shi\va  and  Hdmikini  sat  at  the  fireplace  and  smoked,  the  latter  also 
keeping  up  the  fire.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremony  all  said, 
"Askwali"  (thanks)!  Ng6si,  I  think,  uttered  a  short  prayer,-  and  then 
a  recess  was  taken,  which  was  again  spent  in  eating,  with  very  lively 
conversation  and  much  laughing.1 

While,  as  already  stated,  the  performances  from  twelve  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  on,  as  just  described,  have  been  observed  only  once,  those 
now  following  have  been  studied  twice.  After  a  recess  of  fifteen  or 
twenty  minutes  Ng6si  distributes  the  different  objects  from  in  front 
of  the  altar  frame  among  the  participants.  The  medicine  bowl,  bone 
whistle,  and  aspergil  she  gives  to  the  sprinkler,  the  Oaqol-mana 
figurine  is  supposed  to  be  given  to  some  one  of  the  Sand  clan,  the 
corn-ears  to  one  belonging  to  the  Pihtcash  clan.  But  if  formerly  the 
same  objects  were  always  given  to  certain  persons,  or  at  least  to  mem- 
<>f  certain  clans,  such  is  no  longer  the  case,  as  the  following 
instances  may  show: 

1  While  in  ceremonies  attended  principally  by  men,  as  a  rule,  a  free  and  unconstrained  inter- 
course prevails  during  the  intervals  when  no  ceremonial  performances  take  place,  the  talking,  laugh- 
ing, ami  inking  seems  to  be  much  more  free  in  women's  ceremonies,  always,  however,  within  the 
bounds  of  proprirtv. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTII.  25 

Masatoiniwa  had  a  gourd   rattle  and   baho  in  1X97;   a  nuisilili   and 
honey  pot  in  1901. 

Homikini  had  a  mosilili  in  1897;  a  gourd  rattle  in   K;OI. 

Yeshi\va    had  a  tobacco   pouch   and    pipes  in    1897;  a  meal    tray  in 
1901,  etc. 

When  everything  (as  far  as  I  could  see)  that  is  not  attached  to 
the  altar  frame  is  distributed,  Ngosi,  taking  the  tiponi,  takes  a  posi- 
tion in  the  south-east  corner  of  the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva;  a  i^irl 
with  the  Oaqol-mana  figurine  stands  behind  her;  another  girl  with  the 
new  natsi  to  her  left.  The  sprinkler  stands  northeast  of  the  firep!. 
All  stand  in  the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva  between  the  altar  and  fire- 
place, facing  to  the  south-east  of  the  kiva,  which,  from  the  position  of 
the  kiva,  would  be  to  the  place  where  the  sun  rises.  A  long  song  is 
then  sung,  during  which  all  wave  the  objects  which  they  hold,  consist- 
ing of  altar  accessories,  bells,  rattles,  corn-ears,  etc.,  towards  the 
direction  mentioned.  The  sprinkler  whistles  into  the  medicine  bowl 
and  asperges  with  the  aspergil  six  times,  I  believe.  I  have  been 
unable  to  settle  the  question  whether  several  songs  are  chanted  or 
only  one,  repeated  several  times.  Masatoiniwa  claims  the  latter  to  be 
the  case,  but  he  is  old,  his  knowledge  of  the  Oaqol  songs  is  sadly  lack- 
ing, and  it  is  difficult  to  get  any  systematic  information  from  him. 
He  dictated  me  the  following  song  as  the  one  being  used.  It  has,  like 
many  other  Hopi  songs,  two  parts: 

I.    DOWNWARDS. 

Maahaaamahaaayahaiahai ! 
Maahaaamahaaayahaiahai ! 
Conway  qoyangwunkuiwahai. 
Conway  sikangwunkuiwahai. 
Mahaahahahaiahai. 
Mahaahahahaiahaha ! 
(The  above  prelude  is  repeated.) 

II.     UPWARDS. 

Yupavo  taalaokuiwaa! 
Yupavo  taalaaokuiwaa! 
Tuvevolimanatu. 
Qoyavolimanatu,  Hao! 
Shoshoko  hihtaa  yawoma  hao 
Tuvevolimanatu. 
Qoyavolimanatu  Hao,  hao! 


26  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

(The  prelude  then  follows  as  a  conclusion  and  the  whole  song 
is  repeated  several  times.) 

TRANSLATION. 

There!1 

There! 

Beautiful  white  rising  has  dawned. 

Beautiful  yellow  rising  has  dawned. 

There! 

There! 

Go  (the)  day  has  dawned. 

Go  (the)  day  has  dawned. 

Figured  butterfly  maiden,2 

White  butterfly  maiden,3  Hao! 

Everything  (and  anything)  bring,4 

Figured  butterfly  maiden, 

White  butterfly  maiden,  Hao,  hao! 
When  the  performance  is  over  everything  is  replaced,  whereupon 
Tal.isngainoma  takes  one  of  the  crooks  and  some  corn-meal  and  joins 
Ngusi,  who  has  remained  standing  in  her  place.  Both  then  leave  the 
kiva  and  stop  outside,  about  twenty  feet  from  the  kiva.  Ng6si  first 
holds  the  meal  to  her  lips  and  then  sprinkles  some  on  the  ground,  some 
towards  the  east.  Hereupon  she  waves  the  tiponi  in  the  same  direc- 
tion, and  then  holds  it  to  her  breast.  This  she  does  three  times. 
Talasngaindma  hereupon  sprinkles  her  meal  and  then  both  re-enter 
the  kiva,  where  they  resume  their  position  in  the  south-east  corner  of 
the  deeper  part  of  the  kiva,  but  now  facing  southward.  Ng6si  utters 
a  prayer,  which  was  spoken  in  such  a  low  tone  and  so  fast  that  I  could 
not  record  it  at  the  time,  but  which  one  of  the  leaders  says  is  about  as 
follows: 

"Pai  hapi  itam  yep  shiian  pasionaya.  I  tarn  it  itah  maksoni  akw 
pas  pai  mono'wactutini;  ydhpio  itam  shopRawat  sinom  yeshwani.  Pai 
hdhlaitcahtcango,  ookaokahkango!"  (And  now  we  worship  here,  just 
of  one  mind.  We  by  this  our  effort  must  bring  this  to  a  conclusion 

1  The  word  "ma,"  of  which  a  whole  line  is  formed,  is  an  exclamation  something  like  "there!" 
"there  now!"  "do  you  see?"  etc. 

'The  term  "tuvevolimanatu"  is  used  as  well  for  smaller  girls  (referring  to  their  hair  whorls)  as 

for  young  corn-stalks.    But  as  this  is  evidently  not  the  complete  song,  it  is  difficult  to  decide  which  is 

>ut  probably  both. 

•See  previous  remark:  ••ndyavohmana"  refers  to  larger  maidens  and  larger  corn-stalks  than 
*  Refers  in  the  first  place  to  the  objects  taken  from  the  altar  and  waved  during  the  singing. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTII.  27 

[referring  to  the  ceremony].  After  this  we — all  tlu-  people — shall  live, 
yes  happily,  encouraged.) 

Talasngaindma  then  says:  "Pai  h;ii>i  itam  yep  shiian  pasionaya; 
kawuu  itam  hahlaitcahJcang  taldongnawicni.1  Shopkawat  sinoinu,  I'ai 
hahlaitcahfcang  bokaofcahfcang  yeshni."  (And  now  we  here  perform 
well.  To-morrow  we  shall  happily  [cheerfully]  have  gone  to  the 
morning,  all  the  people  shall  live  happily  [cheerfully]  encouraged.) 

Hereupon  Ng6si  touches  with  the  tiponi  the  breast  of  every 
kelehoya,  even  the  babies  held  by  their  mothers,  and  utters  a  good 
wish.  Tolasngainoma  lets  each  one  touch  the  crook2  and  also  utters 
a  good  wish  or  blessing,  whereupon  the  two  objects  are  replaced.  All 
the  corn-ears  from  around  the  medicine  bowl  are  then  placed  on  the 
floor  before  the  altar,  the  two  women  kneel  before  them,  bending  over 
them,  and  singing  in  a  low  tone,  being  assisted  by  Masatoiniwa  and 
Nakwamosi,  Talasngainoma  beating  time  with  the  corn-ears  on  the 
floor.  Of  the  songs  that  are  sung  I  have  thus  far  been  able  to  obtain 
two  only;  they  are  as  follows: 

I.  To  THE  NORTH. 

Hahahaaahahaaao  inguu,  Hao!    my  mother, 

Takurikahao,  inguuuhuu  Yellow  corn-ear,  my  mother 

Itaaham  namaha  We  together 

Tuwanahahashamiihiiahay.  Go  to  Tuwanashave.3 

II.  To  THE  WEST. 
The  same,  but, 

Sakwaputskahao,  etc.  Blue  corn-ear,  etc. 

III.    To  THE  SOUTH. 
The  same,  but, 
Pawalahakao,  etc.  Red  corn-ear,  etc. 

1 1  have  not  been  able  to  fully  satisfy  myself  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  somewhat  obscure  expres- 
sions "taloongnawicni"  (we  go  to  the  morning)  and  "tapkiwicni"  (we  go  to  the  evening),  which  are  so 
frequently  used  in  Hopi  ceremonies,  especially  when  morning  or  evening  is  referred  to  in  connection 
with  an  all-night  or  all-day  ceremony.  The  meaning  of  the  expression  as  given  seems  to  be:  Get 
through,  go  through,  or  continue  until  morning  (or  evening). 

2  The  natsi  or  society  emblem  of  the  Tao  (Singer)  Society  is  such  a  crook— the  symbol  of  life, 
and  on  one  of  the  days  of  the  Wuwuchim  ceremony  early  in  the  morning  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
village  file  by  this  nAtsi,  which  stands  at  the  south  end  of  the  entrance  to  the  Tao  kfva  and  touch  it  as 
a  prayer  for  a  long  and  prosperous  life. 

3  Tuwanashave,  earth  (or  sand)  center,  is  first  a  traditional  place  in  the  earth;  then  a  place 
south  of  Onlibi  where  the  Badger  and  other  clans  once  lived;  and  the  name  is  also  used,  as  in  this 
case,  for  the  center  place  on  the  sand  in  front  of  the  altar  on  which  stands  the  medicine  bowl,  the 
symbol  of  the  sipapu,  the  sand  representing  the  earth  or  world. 


28  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

IV.    To  THE  EAST. 

The  same,  but, 

(v)f>v;i\vikaha6,  etc.  White  corn-ear,  etc. 

V.    To  THE  NORTH-EAST   (ABOVE). 

The  same,  but, 

Kokomukuhao,  etc.  Black  corn-ear,  etc. 

VI.    To  THE  SOUTH-WEST    (BELOW). 

The  same,  but, 

Tawakchikahao,  etc.  Sweet  corn-ear,  etc. 

During  the  first  stanza  Talasngainoma  picks  up  the  yellow  corn-ear 
and  places  it  in  her  lap,  during  the  second  the  blue  one,  etc. 
The  other  song  obtained  is  as  follows: 

I.  To  THE  NORTH. 

These  lines  are  not  understood 
Inunana,  Inunana 

Haviraina                                            L  by  the    H6pi '    they   are   Probably 

i  from    one    of    the    Pueblo    Indian 

Hapi  novaa 

J  languages  of  New  Mexico. 

Kwihihingvi.  Kwingvi,    a   tree   having    hard 

wood,   used  for  axe  handles,  etc. 

II.  To  THE  WEST. 

The  same,  but  the  last  line: 

Kahahavi  Kahavi,  a  willow;  small  sticks 

used    for    prayer-sticks,    for    hoe 

handles,  etc. 

III.    To  THE  SOUTH. 

The  same,  but  the  last  line: 

Hohohongwi.  Hongwi,  a  plant;  stocks  very 

straight;  used  for  arrow  and  spin- 
dle shafts,  etc. 

IV.    To  THE  EAST. 

The  same,  but  last  line: 

Hohohohoshoi.  Hochki,  juniper-tree;  used  for 

firewood. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTH.  29 

V.    To  THE  NORTH-EAST  (ABOVE). 

The  same,  but  the  last  line: 

Shihiwahpi.  Shiwdhpi,    ;i    grass,    used     for 

windbrakes  in  the  field,  for  trays, 

etc. 

VI.    To  THE  SOUTH-WEST  (BELOW). 

The  same,  but  the  last  line: 

Tiihuhushiwahpi.  Tushiwahpi,  a  smaller  variety 

of  shewahpi;  used  for  windbrakes. 

After,  the  singing,  Talasngainoma  replaces  the  corn-ears  around 
the  medicine  bowl.  Masatoiniwa  explains  that,  as  Miiyingwa  is  the  God 
of  Germination  and  owns  the  corn,  the  corn-ears  are,  as  it  were, 
obtained  anew  from  this  deity  by  these  songs  and  then  placed  back 
again  around  the  bowl,  where  they  represent  the  corn.  This  forms  by 
far  the  greatest  part  of  the  Hopi  food,  for  which  reason  the  Hopi  in 
so  many  songs  and  otherwise  call  the  corn-ears  "mother." 

The  different  kinds  of  wood  and  plants  mentioned  in  the  second 
song  are  used  by  the  Hopi  and  their  growth  controlled  by  Miiyingwa. 

It  may  be  proper  to  remark,  that  the  handling  of  the  corn-ears 
and  aspergil,  during  the  ceremonies,  by  a  woman  of  the  Sand  clan 
is  irregular.  It  should  be  done  by  one  from  the  Young  Corn,  Cloud, 
or  related  clans,  but  I  was  told  that  the  old  woman,  Nacilavi,  who 
belongs  to  the  Cloud  clan  and  who  used  to  perform  these  duties,  no 
longer  participates,  and  that  another  suitable  person  has  not  yet  been 
found. 

After  this  little  rite  was  finished,  most  of  the  women  practiced 
singing  until  about  half-past  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,. during  which 
some  of  the  younger  members  and  novices  fell  asleep,  all  efforts  on 
the  part  of  the  older  ones  to  keep  them  awake  notwithstanding.  At 
the  time  mentioned,  the  women  went  out  as  usual  to  perform  the  rite 
of  kuivato,  but  it  seems  they  did  not  all  go  out  at  the  same  time,  and 
some  at  least  performed  the  rite  only  a  few  yards  away  from  the  kiva. 
The  novices,  who  have  received  nakwakwosis,  deposit  the  last  of  these, 
and  those  having  received  head  scratchers  deposit  these  also,  at  a  rock 
south  of  the  village,  on  this  occasion. 

Hereupon  the  women  bring  water  into  the  kiva  in  large  bowls  and 
also  roots  of  the  yucca  plant  (Yucca  glauca),  which  are  crushed  with 
stones  on  the  floor,  and  suds  made  of  them  in  the  bowls.  While  these 
preparations  are  being  made  the  novices,  who  have  been  seated  on  the 
kiva  floor  most  of  the  time,  are  now  sitting  on  the  banquette  which 


30  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

runs  along  the  east  side  of  the  kiva.  A  general  head-washing  now 
ensues,  the  godmothers  washing  their  "children,"  no  matter  when 
they  were  initiated,  and  vice  versa.  The  novices  are  also  washed  by 
their  godmothers.1  Ng6si  washed  her  own  head  and  that  of  her 
husband  Yeshiwa.  The  same  I  noticed  one  time  of  Masatoiniwa's 
wife.  The  little  babies'  heads  are  also  washed.  It  was  six  o'clock 
when  this  head-washing  was  over. 

It  should  have  been  observed  before,  that  while  the  sacred  cere- 
monies are  in  progress  in  the  kiva,  from  about  half-past  twelve  to 
about  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  one  or  several  men  of  either  the 
Agave,  Horn,  Coyote,  or  Snake  Societies  is  keeping  watch  outside  of 
the  kiva,  which  I  have  also  noticed  in  the  Soyal  and  Marau  ceremonies 
and  understand  is  done  in  others,  too. 

When  they  are  done  they  say  to  the  novice:  "Um  woyomii  \ih 
katci  navofcaonatcang  wuhtihaskiwiiwani!  nikang  n.  n.  um  inachiwa. " 
(May  you,  a  long  time  your  life  possessing,  become  an  old  woman! 
but  n.  n.  you  are  called  or  [named].)  At  about  half-past  six  in  the 
morning  Ng6si  puts  up  at  the  south  end  of  the  kiva  entrance  the  new 
natsi  made  the  previous  day  (see  PL  IX),  waving  it  first  from  the  six 
cardinal  points  and  then  sprinkling  a  pinch  of  meal  on  it. 

After  the  head-washing,  some  rested,  others  practiced  singing  and 
dancing;  the  kiva  was  swept  and  at  about  half-past  seven,  breakfast 
was  partaken  of  by  all  participants  in  the  kiva.  The  fast  is  now 
broken  and  all  can  eat  any  kind  of  food  throughout  the  remaining 
part  of  the  ceremony. 

The  novices  no  longer  grind  corn  for  their  godmothers,  but  are 
supposed  to  learn  to  make  trays  on  this  and  the  following  days,  in 
which  they  are  instructed  by  the  older  women. 

This  day  is  usually  a  "blue  Monday"  for  the  participating  mem- 
bers of  the  Fraterity.  Having  been  up  all  night  they  are  very  tired, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  day  is  spent  in  resting  and  sleeping.  A 
little  basket-making  is  done  now  and  then  in  the  kiva.  While  some 
of  the  women  go  in  and  out  at  the  kiva,  most  of  them  spend  the 
greater  part  of  their  time  in  their  homes. 

In  1893  and  1895  Ma-satoiniwa  and  Homikini  began  to  make  some 
kaobahos.  These  are  small  slabs,  about  seven  inches  long,  two  inches 
wide,  and  about  seven-eighths  of  an  inch  thick.  At  the  lower  end 
they  have  ;i  keystone  shaped  handle.  (See  PI.  XI.)  They  are  made 
of  bahko  (cottonwood  roots,  lit.  :  water  wood),  of  which  almost  all 
wooden  ceremonial  objects,  used  in  connection  with  the  Hopi  cere- 
monials, are  made. 

1  Usually  all  others  who  belong  to  the  clan  of  the  godmother  also  wash  the  head  of  the  novice. 


PL.  XI.  KAO  (CORN-EAR)  BAHOS. 
The  manufacture  of  these  bdhos  has  been  fully  described  in  the  text.  The 
drawings  on  the  upper  end  of  the  slabs  represent  clouds,  falling  rain,  and  lightning. 
They  have  thus  far  not  been  made  in  every  Odqol  ceremony  observed.  On  one 
occasion  the  author  saw  sixty-one  of  them  made,  all  of  which  were  consecrated  on 
the  altar.  After  the  ceremony  is  over  they  are  distributed  among  the  participants, 
some  of  whom  insert  them  into  their  piles  of  corn  in  theii  houses,  while  others 
bury  them  as  prayer  offerings  in  their  fields. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM.  ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  XI. 


n 


V   ' 


. 


f  if  ? 


V 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIHI   OAQOL  CEREMONY  —  VOTII.  31 


On  this  day,  however,  only  the  wood  was  cut  into  shape  and 
smoothed  nieely  with  sand  stones.  The  paint  was  put  on  the  next 
tlav.  One  baho  is  supposed  to  be  made  for  each  participant.  In  ; 
sixty-three  were  made,  while  in  1895  only  a  few,  I  believe,  for  the 
novices  only.  I  have  repeatedly  asked  why  these-  bahux  an:  not  made 
for  every  ceremony,  and  have  invariably  received  the  answer:  hdhko 
sluilawe  (water  wood  all  gone).1 

No  fasting  is  done  on  this  day,  but  the  meals  are  taken  in  the 
kiva.  Not  all  the  participants,  however,  appear  in  the  kiva  for  that 
purpose  at  exactly  the  same  time.  'They  usually  eat  in  small  groups, 
especially  at  noon.  All  who  possibly  can  be  away  from  their  homes 
sleep  in  the  kiva. 

The  altar  accessories  remain  throughout  the  day  in  the  disordered 
state  in  which  they  were  left  in  the  night. 

SIXTH    DAY. 
SHUSH  KA  Hl'MUU.     (ONCE  NOT  ANYTHING.) 

The  sixth  day  is  spent  in  essentially  the  same  way  as  the  fifth. 
The  men  are  out  a  part  of  the  time,  either  getting  wood  or  attending 
to  work  in  their  homes.  In  1893  and  1895  a  part  of  the  day  was  spent 
in  painting  the  ka6bahos.  In  the  morning  they  were  painted  with 
white  kaolin,  which  dries  very  quickly.  About  ten  o'clock,  both  men 
put  on  their  kilts  and  began  mixing  the  other  paints  for  the  bahos, 
green,  yellow,  red,  and  black,  in  different  stone  mortars,  and  then 
painted  all  the  bahos  green,  whereupon  they  decorated  them  with 
cloud  and  corn-ear  symbols  as  follows,  though  how  many  of  each  kind 
my  notes  do  not  state  : 

COLOR  OF  CORN-EAR.  COLOR  OF  DOTS  ON  CORN-EAR. 

yellow  black 

yellow  .                                   white 

yellow  ,                                        green  and  black 

yellow  green 

light  green  white 

red  black 

red  green 

white2  green 

1  These  cottonwood  roots  are  obtained  either  from  the  Blue  Canyon,  about  thirty-five  miles,  or 
from  the  Little  Colorado  River,  about  forty-five  miles  away. 

-  This  one  had  a  cloud  symbol  over  the  corn-ear  consisting  of  one  semicircle  with  short,  black 
lines  running  downward  from  its  lower  border  indicating  rain,  and  two  zigzag  lines  running  upward 
representing  lightning.  Of  these  only  one  was  made. 


32  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

black1  white 

black2  green 

It  will  be  noticed  that  in  decorating  these  bahos  the  five  cere- 
monial colors,  yellow  for  the  north,  green  for  the  west,  red  for  the 
south,  white  for  the  east,  and  black  for  above,  .are  used.3 

The  relation  between  the  colors  of  the  corn-ears  and  the  dots 
representing  the  kernels,  is  irregular.  The  order  usually  observed  is, 
that  where  two  colors  are  used  together,  either  the  color  of  the  next 
cardinal point\^  used,  for  instance,  green  (west)  with  yellow  (north),  red 
(south)  with  green  (west),  etc.,  the  ceremonial  circuit  being:  north, 
west,  south,  east,  north-east  (representing  above)  and  south-west  (repre- 
senting below),  or  the  two  colors  of  the  opposite  cardinal  points  are 
used  together:  yellow  (north)  with  red  (south),  etc. 

After  all  the  bahos  had  been  painted,  Masatoiniwa  tied  to  the 
obverse  side  of  each  one  a  small  corn-husk  packet  containing  corn-meal 
and  honey,  and  a  nakwakwosi  previously  prepared  by  Homikini.  The 
bahos  were  then  placed  near  the  altar  to  be  completed  the  next  day. 

In  the  afternoon  the  men  were  out  a  part  of  the  time,  attending 
to  their  duties. 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  some  baskets  are  made  during  the 
day.  I  noticed  on  several  occasions  that  when  women  left  their 
partly  finished  trays  in  the  kiva  they  placed  them  on  the  altar,  asper- 
ging  them  with  a  little  water  from  the  medicine  bowl. 

I  have  noticed  that  sometimes  food  is  brought  into  the  kiva  on 
these  days  in  the  four  ceremonial  bowls,  four  mush  trays  and  four  piki 
trays.  It  is  said  that  this  is  sent  in  for  the  novices  by  their  god- 
mothers, and  also  for  the  chief  priestess,  but  there  seems  to  be  no  rule 
about  this  matter. 

SEVENTH    DAY. 

PI'KTOTOKA.   (PIKI  DAY.) 

This  is  another  of  the  less  important  days  of  the  ceremony.  The 
men  usually  get  some  firewood,  and  in  1893  and  1895  they  completed 
the  katibahos  by  tying  to  the  reverse  side  of  each  one  a  sprig  of  kuna 

1  This,  of  which  also  only  one  was  made,  had  a  similar  cloud  symbol,  but  of  two  semicircles, 
which  were  drawn  side  by  side,  and  without  any  lightning  symbols. 

2  One  of  this  kind  also  had  a  cloud  symbol,  like  the  previous  one,  but  a  third  semicircle  was 
drawn  over  and  connecting  the  two.  and,  while  all  the  other  segments  were  drawn  in  black  outlines 
only,  this  last  one  was  filled  with  a  coat  of  white  kaolin. 

n  The  south  is  supposed  to  "  own  "  all  kinds  (soyohim)  of  colors.  Thus,  while  in  songs  the  first 
st;m/a  speaks  about  yellow  birds,  flowers,  corn,  etc.,  the  second  about  blue  (green)  etc.,  the  sixth 
speaks,  usually,  about  soyohim  (all  kinds  of)  blossoms,  corn,  birds,  etc.  Where  only  one  particular 
color  can  be  used,  for  instance  in  stones,  shells,  etc.,  around  the  medicine  bowl,  a  gray  object  is  used, 
although  this  color  seems  to  be  then  considered  more  as  a  mixture  of  colors  than  as  a  typical  color. 
The  corn-ear  used  for  "  below"  is  always  a  sweet  corn-ear  (tawakchi). 


PL.  XII.    VARIOUS  TRAYS. 

A.  Mori  (bean  trays).     The  form  of  the  design  resembles  a  bean. 

B.  The  design  is  not  fully  identified;  it  is  probably  a  combination  of  a  slii 
and  head-dress  tray. 

C.  A  combination  of  an  ohchok  (filled  in),  and  compi  (tied  to)  tray. 

D.  Qoya"pruru   ( white   opening   trays ).     The    Hopi   women    say   that   t 

1C    is   derived  from  the  white  in  the  eye  which  appears  on  the  eyes  being 
ed,  and  disappears  upon  the  eyes  being  closed. 

E.  Tflwihpi  ( sling  tray).      The  name  refers  to  the  five  diamond-shaped  de- 
signs in  the  tray,  which  resemble  the  piece  of  buckskin  which  the  Hopi  boys  use 
for  their  slings. 

F.  Kopdchok  (head-dress  tray).     The  terrace-shaped  designs  in  the  tray 
resemble  certain  ceremonial   head-dresses  used  on  various  occasions,  either  on 
masks  or  on  the  heads  of  certain  dancers.     The  name  is  said  to  be  derived  from 
these  head-dresses,  although  almost  any  form  of  a  ceremonial  head-dress  is  called 

noki. 

G.  Siohotahpi  (  Zuni  key  tray).     Just  why  this  form  of  tray  is  called  by  that 
name  the  Oraibi  women  could  not  satisfactorily  explain  to  me.     They  say  that  this 
design  has  always  been  called  by  that  name  and  some  stated  that  probably  there 
was  something  in  the  design  resembling  certain  old  wooden  keys  of  the  Zunis. 
Some  also  were  inclined  to  call  the  pattern  omawu  (cloud)  pattern,  because  it 
shows  the  typical  Hopi  symbol  for  clouds  with  falling  rain. 

11.  This  tr.iy  shows  a  combination  of  designs,  as  is  very  often  the  case. 
From  the  diamond-shaped  figures  it  might  be  called  a  sling  tray,  like  "E." 
From  the  terrace-shaped  figures  it  would  be  called  a  head-dress  tray,  like  "F." 


• 


PL.  Xlli.    VARIOUS  TRAYS. 

A.  Compi  (bound   tray).    The  name  refers  to  the  junctures  of  the  black 
lines  at  different  places  where  they  are  said  to  be  bound  or  tied  together.     From 
the  diamond-shaped  figures  this  tray  is  sometimes  also  called  sling  tray. 

B.  Compi  (bound  or  tied  ).     Like  in  the  previous  tray,  the  dark  lines  in  the 
decoration  join  each  other  at  certain  places  where  they  are  said  to  be  tied  together, 
from  which  the  name  is  derived. 

C.  Ndngui  (clasping  tray).     The  name  refers  to  the  small  squares  running 
round  in  the  middle  of  the  white  part  of  the  tray  and  being  joined  together  by  a 
narrow   black   line.     This  tray  is  also  called  kongMhompi,  because  it  is  used  by 
the  newly  married  bride  when  she  fills  it  with  sweet  corn  meal,  which  she  takes 
over  to  her  husband's  mother,  to  whom  she  gives  this  meal.    This  peculiar  manner 
of  giving,  which  is  not  to  be  considered  a  payment,  nor  exactly  a  present,  is  called 
homa,  from  which  the  name  of  the  tray  used  on  that  occasion  is  derived. 

1 ).  Chilitoshmoktaka  (The  one  that  has  the  Spanish  pepper  powder  tied  up). 
This  is  the  name  of  a  cercain  Katcina,  a  crude  figure  of  which  is  woven  into  the  tray. 
In  certain  races  this  Katcina  carries  a  little  bundle  of  powdered  Spanish  pepper,  a 
small  quantity  of  which  is  put  into  the  mouth  of  any  one  whom  this  Katcina  beats 
and  captures  in  the  races. 

K.  Tcob  (  antelope  tray  '.  The  meaning  of  the  three  small  figures  be- 
tween the  antelopes  is  not  known. 

F.  Odckal  (ledge  tray).  Various  forms  of  this  design  are  being  made. 
'I  he  name  refers  to  the  different  layers  of  earth  and  rock  that  may  be  seen  in  steep 
bluffs.  The  different  rounds  of  decorations  in  the  tray  are  said  to  resemble  in  a 
crude  way  these  layers  of  different  material. 

H.  Akaush  ( sunflower  tray ).  The  name  is  derived  from  the  fact  that  the 
design  resembles  the  sunflower. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAgoL  CEREMONY — VOTII  33 

(Artemisia  tridentata  var.  anguslifnlia.  Gray),  <>ne  ..I"  m.i<">vi  (( '.ut tere/ia 
euthami;v,   '!'.   \   ('..),  ami    a    turkey    feather,  SO    that    these    bahos  were 

dressed— as  tlu-  Hop!  say— io  the  same  manner  as  most  <.t"  ihc  Hopi 
prayer-sticks. 

Tin-  altar    remains  in  the    same  condition    as  on  the    previous  day. 

Some  of  the  women  again  work  on  tlu-ir  trays,  at  the  same  time 
practicing  songs.  But  most  of  them  spend  tin-  time-  at  home,  making 
pfki  for  the  approaching  ceremony,  this  being  the  « u  eupat  ion  of  the 
women  throughout  the  village  on  this  day. 

A  few  explanations  about  the  Oniibi  trays  may  IK-  of  interest. 
These  trays,  of  which  a  number  of  types  may  be  seen  on  Plates  XII 
to  XIV,  are  now  made  in  a  great  variety  of  sizes  and  designs.  This 
seems  to  be  due  partly  to  the  efforts  of  the  Indian  trader  and  others 
to  induce  the  women  to  invent  new  designs.  Originally,  it  is  said, 
only  such  trays  were  made  as  the  kwa  (eagle),  tcob  (antelope),  prob- 
ably the  Angwiishnacomtaka  (The  One  with  the  Crow  feather  fastened 
to)  which  is  a  certain  Katcina,  tuvfp  (sling),  qoq6n  (round  about),  morf 
(bean),  oatckal  (rock  ledges),  etc.  These  names  apply  to  the  designs. 
(See  explanation  in  connection  with  Pis.  XII,  XIII,  and  XIV.)  Most  of 
these  patterns  are  still  made,  such  as  the  tuvip,  oatckal,  qoqtin,  nangui, 
poning,  being  the  most  common.1  The  various  Katcina  designs,  with 
the  exception  of  perhaps  the  Angwiishnacomtaka  and  Chilitocmoktaka, 
are  late  inventions. 

The  materials  used  are  the  following  plants:  ciwi  (Parryella 
filifolia,  Torr.  and  Gray)  for  the  framework,  or  warp,  of  the  tray,  and 
shiwahpi  (Chrysothamnus  Howardii  [Parry]  Greene)  for  the  body  or 
woof.  The  first  is  used  with  the  bark  on,  the  latter  is  decorticated 
while  green.  The  latter  only  is  dyed,  a  large  number  of  sticks  being 
dyed  at  one  time.  At  present,  mostly  analine  dyes  are  used,  which 
are  purchased  from  the  traders.  Formerly,  the  following  are  said  to 
have  been  used  chiefly:  For  red,  the  blossom  of  a  plant  called  "hohoici" 
(Thelesperma  gracili,  Gray);  for  yellow,  the  blossoms  of  shiwahpi 
(already  mentioned) ;  for  green  the  same,  with  the  addition  of  a  few 
black  beans;  for  dark  blue  this  bean  only;  for  black  the  seed  of 
tcokakavu,  a  species  of  sunflower  (Helianthus  annuus,  Linn.).  Usu- 
ally, some  cioonga  ("bitter  salt")  an  alkali  deposit  found  at  nearly  all 
springs  and  also  at  other  places  in  Tusayan,  is  added  to  these  blos- 
soms and  seeds,  when  they  are  boiled,  to  give  fastness  to  the  dye. 
For  light  green,  I  believe  sometimes  also  the  green  bark  of  shiwahpi 
is  used.  These  native  dyes  are  still  occasionally  employed,  though 
generally  only  in  part,  in  making  trays. 

1  For  explanations  of  these  terms,  etc.,  see  "  Explanations  "  given  in  connection  with  the  differ- 
ent plates. 


34  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

In  commencing  to  make  a  tray  two  sets  of  sticks  of  ciwi,  two 
sticks  taken  together,  are  tied  or  wound  together  side  by  side  and 
these  two  sets  of  three  or  four  "double"  sticks,  then  laid  crosswise, 
the  projecting  ends  slightly  bent  apart  and  the  lacing  of  the  woof 
sticks  at  once  begun.  (See  H,  PI.  XIV.)  Almost  invariably  sticks  of 
one  color  are  used  for  the  center  of  the  tray.  As  soon  as  about  an 
inch  has  been  woven,  other  sticks  or  ribs  are  inserted  into  the  woof  at 
the  spaces  left  vacant  by  the  four  sets  of  ribs  projecting  from  the 
center  (see  G,  PL  XIV),  and  then  the  tender,  soft  sticks  are  run 
around  the  center,  one  after  the  other,  by  pushing  them  downward 
between  two  sticks  and  upward  between  the  next  two.  The  right  hand 
is  used  for  this,  while  an  awl  is  kept  in  the  left  hand  with  which  the 
sticks,  thus  taken  through,  are  pushed  and  pressed  closely  together. 
(See  E,  PI.  XIV.)  At  the  next  round  the  woof  is  taken  through  down- 
ward, where  at  the  preceding  round  it  was  passed  upward,  so  that  the 
ribs  are  covered  on  both  sides.  For  every  color  in  the  design  a 
special  stick,  of  course,  is  used,  which  is  run  as  far  as  that  part  of 
the  design  goes,  where  the  stick  is  broken  off,  the  end  hidden  on 
the  reverse  side  of  the  tray  and  a  stick  of  another  color  inserted. 
Sometimes,  where  the  figure  is  small,  a  stick  can  be  used  over  one 
or  two  ribs,  or  bones  as  the  women  call  them,  only,  which  makes 
the  work  very  tedious.  When  the  desired  size  of  the  tray  is  reached 
a  part  of  the  ribs  are  broken  off,  the  others  bent  down  sideways,  and 
then  wound  with  leaves  of  the  yucca  plant  (Yucca  glauca).  (See  F, 
PI.  XIV.)  In  order  to  make  the  sticks  pliable  for  use  they  are  placed 
and  kept  in  moist  sand  while  working. 

EIGHTH    DAY. 
TOTOKA. 

As  in  all  Hopi  nine-day  ceremonies,  this — the  eighth — day  is  one 
of  the  most  important  of  the  nine  days.  The  women  are  up  at  a  very 
early  hour.  As  soon  as  they  have  made  their  morning  offering 
(kiiivato)  they  usually  go  to  their  homes  to  attend  to  their  household 
duties.  The  men  also  perform  the  rite  of  kiiivato  and  at  once  return 
to  the  kfva.  Four  women  are  sent  with  the  netted  gourd  vessels  aftei 
water,  which  they  get  in  essentially  the  same  manner  as  the  chiel 
priestess  gets  the  water  for  the  singing  ceremony,  as  already  described. 
The  water  is  supposed  to  be  gotten  by  the  following  clans: 

From  the  north  by  the  Pfhkash  (Young-Corn-Ear)  clan. 

From  the  west  by  the  Tiiwa  (Sand)  clan. 

From  the  south  by  the  Kwahu  (Eagle)  clan. 

From  the  east  by  the  Honani  (Badger)  clan. 


PL.  XIV.   VARIOUS  TRAYS. 

A.     Qoqon  (round  about  tray).     The  name  refers  to  the  different  circles  in 
the  decoration.     It  is  probably  one  of  the  most  common  designs. 
B.,  C.,  and  D.,  Ditto. 

E.  Partly  finished  tray,  showing  the  manner  in  which  the  sticks  that  form 
the  body  of  the  woof  of  the  tray  are  added  as  work  goes  along. 

F.  Partly  finished  tray,  showing  the  manner  in  which  the  sticks  are  bent 
to  form  the  edge,  or  how  the  latch  is  wound  with  the  leaves  of  the  yucca  plant. 

G.  Partly  finished   tray.    The  illustration  shows  how  the  first  sticks  are 
being  bent  apart  and  new  ones  being  put  between  them. 

H.     The  first  sets  of  sticks  that  are  placed  across  each  other  and  on  which 
the  work  of  weaving  the  baskets  is  commenced. 


>-;"^fcv- . 


PL.  XV.    VARIOUS  CEREMONIAL  OBJECTS. 
No.  i.     Head-dress  of  the  Odqol-mdnas. 
No.  2.     Wheels  and  feather  arrows  used  by  the  Odqol-mdnas. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAgoL  CEREMONY — VOTII.  35 

The  following  nakwakwosis  are  also  prepared  besides  those  which 
each  water  carrier  takes  with  IKT:  by  Masatoiniwa  two  for  the  earth, 
one  for  the  sun,  one  for  the  moon;  by  Ng6si  and  Humikini  each  one 
for  the  earth  and  one  for  the  sun. 

The  morning  meal  is  taken  in  the  kiva  as  usual  by  all  pariici- 
pants.  The  two  men  then  proceed  to  prepare  various  paraphernalia 
to  be  used  in  the  public  performance  the  next  day.  The  principal 
objects  are  the  two  head-dresses  to  be  used  by  the  two  Oa<]<">l-inanas. 
(See  i,  PI.  XV.)  These  consist  of  several  bands  of  leather  or  raw- 
hide painted  green,  fastened  together  in  such  a  manner  that  one 
band  runs  around  and  one  over  the  head.  To  this  is  attached  on  the 
left  side  a  horn  made  of  the  neck  of  a  gourd,  and  on  the  right  side  a 
large  blossom  symbol,  made  of  a  wooden  disk  and  small  pointed  slabs 
which  are  painted  in  various  colors.  Around  this  blossom  is  fastened 
a  string  of  red  horse-hair  (tawahona).  The  decoration  of  the  disk 
consists  of  eight  horizontal  stripes  in  the  following  colors,  commencing 
from  above:  black,  green,  black,  red,  green,  yellow,  black,  green. 
The  pointed  slabs  inserted  into  the  edge  are  painted  red,  the  points 
green,  with  three  black  dots  on  each.  These  little  slabs  represent  the 
petals  of  the  blossoms,  but  at  the  same  time  represent  the  tail  feathers 
of  a  summer  bird  called  "wurifiawuu.1  From  the  horn  are  suspended 
several  nakwakwosis  of  large  eagle  breath  feathers,  one  large  buzzard 
wing  feather,  and  a  string  of  black  and  white  yarn  twisted  together, 
which  is  called  soho. 

To  the  band  that  runs  over  the  head  is  attached  in  front  a  bunch 
of  yellow,  red,  and  green  feathers,  supposed  to  be  parrot  feathers; 
farther  back  a  bunch  of  short  eagle  feathers — the  so-called  "kwacha- 
kwa,"  which  is  found  on  many  masks  and  head-dresses — and  finally, 
two  fine  bald  eagle  tail  feathers  which  are  fastened  in  an  upright 
position. 

Besides  this  head-dress  two  pair  of  moccasins,  two  pair  of  ankle 
bands,  and  two  single  arm  bands  are  prepared  and  painted  green. 

The  work  on  these  objects  is  mostly  done  by  Homikini;  Masatoi- 
niwa  soon  proceeds  to  paint  up  two  netted  wheels  and  four  feathered 
arrows.  (See  2,  PL  XV.)  The  first  are  called  "mumanpi"  (shooting 
target),  the  arrows,  "m6tovu."  The  latter  consist  of  a  corn-cob,  into 
one  end  of  which  a  pointed  stick  is  inserted,  into  the  other  end  two 
medium  sized  eagle  wing  feathers.  Similar  objects  are  used,  especially 
at  about  this  time  of  the  year,  by  the  children  of  the  village  for  play- 

1  Feathers  of  the  same  bird  are  used  on  the  natsi  of  the  Soyal  Fraternity.  (See  PI.  VI., 
Oraibi  Soyal  Ceremony  by  Dorsey  and  Voth.)  Eagle  tail  feathers  represent  the  sun  rays  on  the  sun 
symbols  worn  by  the  Hopi  Flute  priests  in  the  Flute  ceremony.  (See  PI.  CCXIX.,  in  OrAibi 
Summer  Snake  Ceremony  by  Voth.) 


•  36  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

ing,  only  instead  of  the  netted  wheel  they  use  a  ring  (ngola),  made  of 
corn-husks  and  wound  with  strings,  and  instead  of  the  eagle  feathers 
in  the  corn-cob  they  use  any  kind  of  feathers,  but  especially  chicken 
feathers.  Very  few  of  these  domestic  fowls  can  be  found  with  a  com- 
plete tail  or  undisturbed  wings  in  the  village  at  this  time  of  the  year. 

The  women  engage  in  considerable  basket-making  throughout  the 
day,  as  they  have  to  provide  not  only  those  to  be  used  by  them  and 
the  novices  in  the  dance,  but  also  a  good  many  to  be  distributed  as 
prizes.  Some  of  the  novices  assist  in  the  manufacture  of  trays,  being 
instructed  by  the  women  (See  PL  XVI).  This  is  a  very  tedious  work, 
and  the  women  complain  a  great  deal  about  sore  hands  and  aching  bones. 

It  should  have  been  remarked  that  on  several  occasions  Yeshiwa, 
the  husband  of  the  chief  priestess,  and  another  elderly  man, 
Lotokshiwa,  were  in  the  kiva  during  the  greater  part  of  this  day. 
They  frequently  engaged  in  smoking  and  now  and  then  assisted  the 
chief  priest  and  his  assistant  in  their  work.  When  the  latter  had 
finished  the  head-dresses,  wheels,  arrows,  moccasins,  and  arm  and 
ankle  bands,  these  objects  were  hung  on  the  altar  frame  on  both 
sides.  I  also  noticed  the  katfnatsi,  which  had  been  standing  at  the 
south  side  of  the  hatchway  during  the  first  four  days,  standing  against 
the  sand  ridge  at  the  west  end. 

In  the  afternoon  the  sand  before  the  altar  is  swept  up  and  fresh 
sand  gotten  by  some  member  of  the  Sand  clan.  One  time  I  noticed 
that  two  girls  were  sent  after  sand  after  they  had  been  given  a  few 
nakwakwosis  and  corn-meal,  both  of  which  were  to  be  deposited  at  the 
place  where  they  were  to  take  the  sand. 

On  those  occasions,  when  a  race  for  trays  is  to  take  place  the  next 
day,  the  chief  priestess  prepares  two  small  trays  of  the  usual  kind,  on 
which  Masatoiniwa  paints  on  this  day  two  green  lines  from  rim  to  rim, 
intersecting  each  other  in  the  center  of  the  tray.  He  then  ties  four 
hawk  feather  nakwakwosis  to  the  rim  of  each  tray  at  the  places  where 
the  green  lines  touch  the  edge.  These  trays  were  also  fastened  to  the 
altar  frame,  one  to  each  side.  Masatoiniwa  furthermore  makes  a 
double  green  baho  with  a  long  pOhu  (road)  attached  to  it,  which  he 
places  near  the  altar  for  use  later  on. 

Soon  after  dinner  Masatoiniwa  sprinkles  fresh,  dry  sand  in  front 
of  the  altar  after  the  old  sand  has  been  swept  up  and  then  renews  the 
cloud  symbol  already  described  on  a  previous  page.  He  also  makes  a 
pdhu  and  nakwakwosi  and  Talasnga  a  ptihu,  which  they  place  on  the 
floor  north  of  the  fireplace  and  which  are  deposited  near  a  rock  south 
of  the' village  early  the  next  morning.  Other  women  sweep  the  kiva 
and  take  out  the  refuse. 


PL.  XVI.    WOMEN  MAKING  TRAYS. 

While  the  Hopi  women  often  make  the  trays  and  baskets  in  their  respective 
homes,  they  prefer  to  do  it  in  company,  so  several  of  them  frequently  gather  in 
front  of  or  in  some  house,  or  even  in  one  of  their  kivas.  They  often  sing  while 
at  work.  In  front  of  the  women  on  the  plate  may  be  seen,  on  the  floor,  some 
sand,  in  which  the  material  used  is  kept  in  order  to  keep  the  latter  moist.  They 
always  spread  a  blanket  or  other  material  over  their  lap,  and  place  on  this  the 
tray  on  which  they  work. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTH.  37 

At  about  three  o'clock  O«"»y;ingnsi  j)iits  <>n  her  at«V),  lakes  the 
netted  gourd  vessel,  bone  whistle-,  bu/./ard  feather,  meal,  one  ptihn, 
and  four  nakwakwosis,  and  in  her  mouth  a  little-  honey  and  gets 
soiiu-  water  from  I.anva,  in  the  manner  already  described.  I' pun  her 
return  Masdtoiniwa  receives  and  disposes  of  the  objects  and  then  dis- 
eharms  the  priestess  in  the  same  manner  as  described  in  connection 
with  the  performances  on  the  first  and  fourth  days  (<j.  v.).  The  vessel 
with  the  water  is  placed  near  the  altar  with  the  four  in  which  water 
was  gotten  by  four  women  in  the  morning  as  previously  noted.  New 
participants,  old  and  young,  are  assembling  in  the  kfva  at  thi>  time. 
In  1897  I  counted  in  this  ceremony  twenty-five  women,  ten  girls,  three 
men,  and  about  seven  small  children;  in  1901,  thirty-nine  women, 
girls,  and  children  besides  the  few  men.  Several  new  initiations 
of  children  and  older  women  usually  take  place  at  this  time  in  the 
manner  already  described.  At  about  four  o'clock  the  novices 
themselves  on  the  floor  along  the  east  banquette,  and  the  other  partici- 
pants arrange  themselves  in  front  of  the  leaders,  forming  a  semicircle 
between  the  altar  and  the  other  participants.  Masatoiniwa  erects  the 
baho,  he  had  previously  made,  west  of  and  close  to  the  ti'poni,  stretching 
the  string  road  along  the  floor  towards  the  ladder.  The  chief  priestess 
sprinkles  a  line  of  meal  along  this  road1  and  to  the  east  side  of  the 
ladder,  throwing  also  some  up  the  ladder,  Masatoiniwa  following  her 
with  a  line  of  corn-pollen  which  he  sprinkles  on  the  meal  line.  Here- 
upon the  same  singing  performance,  with  all  the  attending  rites,  takes 
place  as  on  the  first  and  fourth  days,  with  the  exception  that  during 
the  first  song  the  chief  priestess  turns  down  the  ka6bahos,  laying 
them  on  their  face  side  on  the  floor  in  front  of  the  sand  ridge.  After 
the  ceremony  the  men  smoke  at  the  fireplace.  The  women  spend  a 
short  time  in  lively  conversation,  but  soon  most  of  them  form  in  line, 
and  slowly  moving  sideways  along  one  side  of  the  kiva  around  behind 
the  altar,  back  on  the  west  side  of  the  kiva,  up  the  elevated  portion 
of  the  floor,  around  south  of  the  ladder,  and  so  on,  they  practice 
singing  for  the  next  day,  accompanying  the  singing  with  the  same 
motions  of  the  hands — in  one  of  which  they  hold  their  corn-ear  mother 
— as  are  made  with  the  trays  the  next  day.  This  practicing  is  contin- 
ued until  the  evening  meal  is  brought  in,  in  which  all  participate. 

The  time  from  the  evening  meal  until  about  twelve  o'clock  in  the 
night  is  spent  in  essentially  the  same  manner  as  on  the  fourth  day; 
singing,  eating,  conversation,  joking,  accompanied  by  a  good  deal  of 
hilarity,  comprise  the  program.  There  are  usually,  besides  the  four 
men,  from  forty  to  forty-five  women  in  the  kiva  this  night. 

1  In  1901  she  made  this  meal  line  before  the  biiho  was  placed  in  position,  which,  however,  was 
probably  due  to  some  error. 


38  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM  —  ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

NINTH    DAY. 
TIKEVEE.     (DANCE.) 

At  about  twelve  o'clock  in  the  night  the  practicing,  and  to  a 
certain  extent  the  loud  talking,  ceases,  piki  trays,  food  bowls,  and 
watermelon  rinds  are  taken  away,  parts  of  the  kiva  swept,  and  then 
all  arrange  themselves  south  of  the  altar,  whereupon  the  usual  singing 
ceremony  is  gone  through,  which  ends  by  the  rubbing  of  meal  by 
Qoyangosi  into  the  faces  of  all  present,  a  short  prayer  by  her  and 
Musatoiniwa,  and  the  throwing  of  a  pinch  of  sacred  meal  to  the  altar 
by  all. 

The  same  "waving  ceremony"  then  takes  place  that  has  been 
described  in  connection  with  the  ceremonies  of  the  night  between  the 
fourth  and  fifth  day.  The  distribution  of  the  objects,  the  assigning 
of  places,  especially  to  the  novices,  etc.,  was  attended  by  a  great  deal 
of  talking,  instructing,  and  counterinstructing,  as  many  as  a  dozen 
women  talking  at  the  same  time,  which  in  connection  with  the  crying 
of  the  babies,  who  had  been  aroused  from  their  slumber,  causes  one  to 
forget  for  the  time  being  that  a  —  to  the  Hopis  —  very  sacred  ceremony 
is  about  to  be  enacted.  The  chief  priestess  again  waved  the  tiponi  as 
in  the  other  night.  Homikini  rattled  the  mosilili  rattle,  while  Masa- 
toiniwa,  strange  to  say,  whistled  with  the  bone  whistle,  which  is 
always  done  by  the  sprinkler.  The  chief  priestess  and  sprinkler  then 
went  through  the  same  performance,  east  of  the  ladder,  outside  of  the 
kfva,  and  then  in  front  of  the  novices,  as  that  described  in  connection 
with  the  night  performances  of  the  fourth  day.  Hereupon  a  short 
recess  was  taken,  which  was  followed  by  more  rehearsals  of  singing 
and  dancing. 

At  about  half-past  three  o'clock  m  the  morning  the  leaders  assume 
their  usual  places  south  of  the  altar  and  sing  a  few  morning  songs  l 
several  times,  while  the  women  and  girls  take  meal  and  go  out  to 
perform  the  rite  of  kiiivato,  already  described. 

Morning  Song,  chanted  by  the  leader  on  the  morning  of  the 
second,  third,  fourth,  and  ninth  days: 

Talaokuiwa, 

Talaokuivato, 

Hao!  uhilm  manaha! 

Talaokuivato  ! 

Qoyangwunu, 

Sifcangwunu, 


1  Several  songs  are  sung  and  they  seem  to  vary  somewhat.  As  they  are  usually  sung  or 
hummed  very  quietly,  I  have  been  unable  to  record  them,  but  Masatoiniwa  and  Homikini  claim  that 
the  two  given  in  the  text  are  usually  among  those  that  are  chanted. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAgSL  CEREMONY — VOTII.  39 

The  second  stanza  is  exactly  the  same,  only  in  the  third  liiu-  they 
sing  "totimhoyam"  (little  boys),  instead  of  m;mahu  (-iris). 

TRANSLATION. 

The  day  has  risen, 

Go  I  (to)  behold  the  dawn, 

Hao!  yon  maidens! 

Go  behold  the  dawn  ! 

The  White  rising! 

The  Yellow  rising! 

It  has  become  light. 

Morning  Song,  chanted  by  Masatoiniwa,  Ng6si,  and  sometimes 
one  or  two  others  on  the  morning  of  the  second,  third,  fourth,  and 
ninth  days: 

Takiokuiwa!  The  day  has  risen! 

Taluokuiwa!  The  day  has  risen! 

Niihui  aokiihuwaqoho  Go  I  to  behold  it. 

Muyingw  mongwitui,  The  Mtiyingwa  chiefs 

Homituilaoniyumuy,  With  shelled  corn  busy  themselves. 

Tatotohokahay  He  is  croaking 

MohdcivahakwatQhui,  The  water  frog, 

Wnhupat  kahaotaha  (About)  big  corn-ears 

Tohokiyuyuywui  It  is  humming. 

Sifcvatungnawatahai.  Yellow  (rest  obscure). 

As  soon  as  the  women  have  all  returned  Masatoiniwa,  Ng6si,  and 
usually  one  other  woman,  put  on  heavy  blankets  and  their  moccasins, 
as  the  night  is  cold,  and  then  leave  the  kiva.  Masatoiniwa  takes  a 
pointed  stick  and  the  baho  with  the  long  "road"  from  the  altar,  Ng6si 
one  of  the  crooks,  the  third  woman  also  a  crook  and  a  corn-ear,  and 
all  take  also  some  sacred  meal.  Following  the  trail  that  leads  from 
the  village  in  a  south-easterly  direction,  they  descend  the  mesa  and 
proceed  on  the  main  trail  leading  towards  the  east  for  about  a  quarter 
of  a  mile.  Here  they  turn  to  their  left  and  stop  about  twelve  or  fifteen 
yards  north  from  the  trail,  where  Masatoiniwa  digs  a  hole  about  a  foot 
and  a  half  deep,  and  from  this  in  an  easterly  direction  a  trench  a  few 
inches  deep.  All  then  throw  their  meal  into  the  hole  and  along  the 
trench,  whereupon  Ng6si  places  the  baho  into  the  hole  and  the  road 
along  the  trench  and  Masatoiniwa  closes  it  up.  All  three  then  take  a 
position  at  the  east  end  of  the  trench  and  facing  the  east  they  sing  the 
following  little  song  twice: 

"Qoyangwunu  kuiva.  The  white  dawn  has  risen. 

Sifcangwunu  kuiva.  The  yellow  dawn  has  risen. 

Put  nu  talaongwayatni."  That  I  shall  "light  embrace." 


40  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

While  they  sing  the  last  line  they  make  a  grasping  motion  with 
the  right  hand,  in  which  the  women  hold  the  crook,  and  back  towards 
them  again  as  if  gathering  in  something.  They  then  turn  their  faces 
towards  the  west  and  sing,  making  the  same  motion  at  the  last  line: 
"Sipapuni  kuiva.  The  sipapu  has  risen  (loomed  up).1 

Sipapuni  kuiva.  The  sipapu  has  risen  (loomed   up). 

Put  nu  talaongwayatni."  That  I  shall  "light  embrace." 

Turning  again  to  the  east  they  repeat  the  first  song  in  the  same 
manner. 

They  then  return  to  the  village.  Having  ascended  the  mesa  they 
stop  just  at  the  edge  of  it  and  sing  the  same  songs  in  exactly  the  same 
manner,  and  then  return  to  the  kiva.  Masatoiniwa  said  that  this  was 
an  offering  and  a  prayer  to  the  morning  star  and  to  the  sun. 

During  this  time  water  and  yucca  roots  have  been  brought  into 
the  kiva;  the  roots  are  %mashed  with  stones  on  the  floor  and  foaming 
suds  are  prepared  in  all  the  bowls,  whereupon  a  general  washing  of 
the  heads  commences.  This  is  considered  a  religious  head  washing 
to  which  all  are  subjected,  even  the  small  children.  Masatoiniwa,  I 
noticed  on  one  occasion,  was  washed  by  his  wife,  while  Ng6si  washed 
herself.  Those  who  have  been  initiated  during  the  ceremony  are 
washed  by  their  fostermothers. 

The  chief  priestess  at  about  this  time  takes  out  the  natsi  and 
places  it  outside  of  the  kiva  at  the  south  end  of  the  hatchway.  Those 
who  have  made  nakwakwosis  for  the  fire  the  previous  evening  now 
take  them  out  with  a  live  ember  and  a  little  sacred  meal  and  deposit 
them  a  few  yards  from  the  kiva  towards  the  east. 

Soon  after  sunrise  Lomankwa,  one  of  the  village  criers,  who 
announces  ceremonies,  or  performances  connected  with  them,  cries 
out  that  a  race  is  about  to  take  place  and  calls  for  volunteers  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  race. 

In  the  kiva  Masatoiniwa  makes  one  ptlhu  and  four  nakwakwosis, 
which  are  taken  by  the  chief  priest,  or  sometimes  by  his  assistant, 
H'unikini,  to  the  spring  Lanva,  west  of  the  mesa,  where  he  deposits 
the  four  nakwakwosis.  With  the  ptihu  he  proceeds  to  the  rock  callei 
'  Mnnowala"  (Coyote-Rock-Gap),  which  is  located  a  short  distance 
south  from  the  spring,  where  he  deposits  the  pt'lhu.  The  would-be 
participants  in  the  mean  while  gather  at  the  same  place.  Having 

1  The  sipapu  is  the  traditional  opening  in  the  earth  through  which  the  Hopi  claim  to  have 

..•ed  from  the  under  world.    The  meaning  of  the  song  is  obscure.     What  is  reallv  meant  by  tlw 

•  ming  up,"  and  in  what  wav  the  expression  "embrace  or  inhale  its  light"  is  to  be  explained 

nobody  thus  far  could  tell.     It  is  highly  probable  that  this  is  a  remnant  or  a  corrupted  form  of  an 

'  I.  e.,  its  light  I  shall  embrace  or  inhale. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.   XVII. 


PL.  XVII.    A  HOPI  RACE. 

Races   take   place   in    connection   with   various   ceremonies   in    the   spring 
months,  but  many  take  place  irrespective  of  any  ceremonies.     Usually  the  diflVi 
ent  kivas  contend  with  each  other  in  these  last  named  races.     The  racers  on  these 
occasions  sometimes  run  from  three  to  eight  miles. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  XVIII 


PL.  XVIII.    AN  OAQOL-MANA. 

The  plate  shows  the  Odqol  maiden  as  she  stands  in  the  southeastern  part  of 
the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva,  ready  to  follow  the  dancers  to  the  plaza.  She- 
holds  in  her  right  hand  a  netted  wheel,  and  one  of  the  feather  arrows;  in  her  left 
hand  the  other  of  the  arrows.  The  plate  was  prepared  from  a  life-size  figure  as 
it  stands  in  the  case  which  contains  the  Odqol  altar  in  the  Field  Columbian 
museum.  The  artist  has  succeeded  in  making  a  very  accurate  representation  of 
this  personage. 


DEC.,  1903.        THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTII.  41 

deposited  the  prayer-offering,  Homikini  addresses  the  racers  in  the 
following  words  : 

"Pai  itam  hahlaifcahfcang,  (">ok;i<>kahkaiii;  yahtukni.  Nikan^ 
momik  yamakat  ;ilsvi  pas  pai  ita  mongwactotini.  Pai  pi  olciw;i !  I'ai 
yanhakam  ita  tanatyaofcahfcango;  piiu  fmui  il;inainui  kiyamui  \af\\a- 
wicni;  fuyamui  yungwicni.  Pai  huhlaikahkango!" 

"Now  we  happily,  courageously,  shall  race.  But  on  account  of 
(owing  to)  the  one  being  ahead,  we  must  (surely  shall)  terminate  this. 
(Well)  now  alas!  Now  thus  we  are  concerned  about  (this).  Now  these 
(referring  to  the  racers)  to  our  fathers'  houses  (referring  to  the  chiefs) 
shall  ascend;  the  village  they  shall  (will)  enter.  Now  gladly!" 

Having  said  this  he  runs  on  to  a  rock  called  "Huni-oa"  (Hard- 
Rock),  which  is  situated  still  farther  south.  Having  arrived  here  he 
raises,  lowers,  and  again  raises  his  hands,  which  is  the  signal  for  the 
racers  to  start.  The  first  one  to  arrive  at  this  place  receives  as  a  prize 
the  smaller  of  the  trays,  both  of  which  have  in  the  mean  while  been 
placed  against  a  little  shrine  on  the  plaza  in  the  village  by  Ng6si. 

Those  racers  who  intended  to  compete  for  the  smaller  tray  only, 
return  to  the  village  from  here,1  the  others  continue  to  run,  first  south- 
ward, then  they  round  the  mesa  point,  turning  towards  the  east,  and  as 
they  keep  turning  to  the  left,  they  finally  ascend  the  mesa  from  the  east. 
(See  PL  XVII.)  The  winner  dashes  to  the  plaza  and  takes  his  tray. 
The  nakwakwosis  that  are  tied  to  the  rims  of  the  trays,  I  am  told,  the 
winners  deposit  in  their  fields,  the  trays  they  keep  as  mementos  of 
the  race,  but  they  are  used  in  the  house  and. sometimes  even  sold. 

In  the  kiva  they  have,  in  the  mean  while,  commenced  to  array  the 
two  Oaqol-manas  (Oaqol  maidens)  as  follows  (See  PI.  XVIII): 

Their  costume  consists  of  the  following  articles:  a  large  embroid- 
ered, ceremonial  robe  (tui-hi)  which  is  formed  into  a  dress;  a  men's 
ceremonial  kilt  (pitkuna),  which  is  taken  around  the  upper  part  of  the 
body  under  the  right  arm,  the  two  ends  being,  tied  together  by  two 
corners  over  the  left  shoulder.  The  robe  is  held  in  place  by  a  woko- 
kwawa  ("big  belt")  a  white,  cotton  belt  with  long,  knotted  fringes, 
which  is  taken  around  the  waist  and  tied  on  the  left  side  and  to  which 
an  old  bell  is  attached,  of  which  several  had  been  standing  behind  the 
altar  for  several  days.2  Costly  turquoise  beads  are  tied  to  their  ears 
and  many  strands  of  beads,  from  which  are  suspended  several  abalone 

1 1  am  told,  however,  that  the  winner  usually  continues  in  the  race.  All  along  the  line  some 
participants  generally  drop  out  of  the  race  and  return  to  the  village. 

2  These  bells  are  held  sacred  by  the  Hopi.  There  is  no  question  about  them  being  old,  and  the 
Hopi  frankly  state  that  some  of  them  have  been  handed  down  to  them  from  the  time  when  the  Spun 
ish  missions  were  still  in  existence  among  them.  On  one  of  the  bells  I  found  the  following  inscrip- 
tion: "Sic  nomen  Domini  benedictum." 


42  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

shells,  are  hung  around  their  necks.  On  their  feet  they  wear  the 
moccasins  and  ankle  bands  that  were  prepared  the  previous  day. 
Skeins  of  black  and  green  yarn  are  tied  around  the  wrists  and  a  string 
of  red  horsehair  (tawahona)  around  the  left  upper  arm  under  the  green 
leather  arm  band.  Before  they  are  entirely  dressed  their  faces  are 
decorated  with  a  yellow  powder  prepared  from  the  petals  of  sunflowers. 
First,  water  is  spurted  into  their  faces — usually  by  Homikini — and 
then  the  powder  applied  to  the  wet  skin.  Their  hands  are  also  painted 
yellow  and  a  ring  is  made  above  the  wrists  with  the  same  mate.  ial. 
All  the  other  women  only  place  around  their  shoulders  an  at66  (s'nall 
ceremonial  robe). 

When  the  Oaqol-manas  have  been  dressed  and  painted  up,  Ng6si 
and  three  other  women  each  take  one  of  the  netted  gourd  vessels  from 
the  altar,  a  buzzard  feather,  and  a  bone  whistle,  all  the  others  taking 
their  trays,  and  all  file  out  of  the  kiva,  the  chief  priest  sprinkling  them 
from  the  medicine  bowl  before  they  ascend  the  ladder.  On  those 
occasions  where  trays  have  been  made  for  the  race,  the  chief  priestess 
takes  them  along  and  places  them  against  the  shrine  on  the  plaza.1 
Having  emerged  from  the  kiva  she  also  takes  the  corn-ear,  eagle 
feathers,  and  sprig  of  cuvi  from  the  natsi  pedestal,  and  then  herding 
the  line,  leads  the  women  to  the  plaza.  (See  No.  i,  Pis.  XIX  and  XX.) 

In  the  kiva  the  two  Oaqol-manas  have  in  the  mean  while  taken  up 
the  wheels  and  feathered  arrows  from  the  altar.  Standing  south  of 
the  altar  they  roll  the  wheel  towards  the  south-west  corner  on  the  floor 
and  shoot  the  arrow  at  it,  whereupon  they  take  a  stand  in  that  portion 
of  the  kiva,  one  behind  the  other  and  each  one  holding  in  one  hand 
one  of  the  wheels  in  the  other  an  arrow. 

During  this  time  the  chief  priest  has  picked  a  bundle  of  trays,  tied 
up  in  a  blanket,  the  medicine  bowl,  and  aspergill,  and  after  having 
asperged  the  two  manas,  he  proceeds  to  the  plaza,  where  he  arrives 
when  the  women  have  formed  the  dance  circle.  Having  placed  the 
bundle  of  trays  on  the  ground  in  the  center  of  the  circle  (see  PI.  XXI), 
he  goes  along  the  line  of  the  dancers  and  asperges  them,  where- 
upon he  returns  to  the  kiva,  leaving  the  bundle  where  he  ha. 
placed  it.  The  women  all  bend  slightly  forward  and  begin  to  sing, 
moving  at  the  same  time  slowly  from  right  to  left  and  waving  the  trays, 
which  they  hold  with  both  hands,  concave  side  forward,  to  the  time  oi 
the  singing.  (See  PL  XXI.)  As  soon  as  the  dancing  has  started  tin 
two  Oaqol-manas  appear  on  the  scene,  rolling  the  wheels  along  th< 
ground,  shooting  the  arrows  at  them,  picking  both  up,  shooting  thei 
again,  etc.,  while  coming  to  the  plaza.  (See  PI.  XXI.)  Here  they  con- 

1  Others  claim  that  this  is  not  necessarily  done  at  the  first  dance,  but  sometimes  late  in  th 
forenoon. 


PL.  XIX. 

Xo.  i.  The  women  going  from  the  kfva  to  the  dance  plaza,  each  one  being 
arrayed  in  her  ceremonial  robe,  and  carrying  a  tray  which  is  waved  up  and  down, 
and  from  side  to  side,  during  the  dance. 

No.  2.  Masdtoiniwa,  the  chief  priest,  returning  to  the  kfva  from  the  plaza, 
holding  in  his  left  hand  the  medicine  bowl  and  asperger  with  which  he  has 
asperged  the  dancers  on  the  plaza. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  XIX. 


PL.  XX.    OAQOL-MANAS  PROCEEDING  TO  THE  PLAZA. 

The  plate  shows  the  Odqol  maidens  as  they  leave  the  kiva  and  start  for  the 
plaza.  On  one  of  the  illustrations  the  assistant  chief  is  seen  repairing  something 
on  one  of  the  moccasins  of  a  mdna.  The  other  illustration  shows  children  follow- 
ing the  maidens,  a  very  common  sight  whenever  men  and  women,  dressed  in 
ceremonial  costume,  appear  in  the  village. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.   PL.   XX. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  XXI. 


PL.  XXI.    THE  DANCE. 

No.  i.    The  plate  shows  the  circle  of  dancers,  and  in  front  one  of  the 
mdnas  in  the  act  of  throwing  the  feathered  arrow  to  the  netted  wheel. 

No.  2.  The  Dance  in  Progress.  In  front  are  shown  the  two  Odqol-mdnas, 
the  one  in  the  act  of  rolling  one  of  the  netted  wheels  along  the  ground. 

In  both  may  be  seen,  in  the  center  of  the  circle,  the  bundle  containing  the 
prizes,  which  consist  mostly  of  trays.  These  are  thrown  by  the  Odqol-ma'nas  into 
the  crowd  of  spectators,  each  one  of  the  latter  being  very  eager  to  obtain  one  of 
these  prizes. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.   XXII. 


PL.  XXII.    WAITING  FOR  THE  PRIZE  TO  DESCEND. 

Both  plates  show  the  expectant  crowd  looking  upward  to  the  tray  that  has 
been  thrown  into  the  air  by  the  Oaqol-manas.  Many  extend  their  hands  upward, 
eager  and  ready  to  snatch  the  prize  as  soon  as  it  descends. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  xxin. 


PL.  XXIII.    THE  DANCE  IN  PROGRESS. 

No.  i.  One  of  the  mdnas  is  seen  in  the  act  of  throwing  one  of  the  prizes. 
While  the  manas  throw  these  presents  the  dance  continues,  the  women  not  concern- 
ing themselves  in  any  way  whatsoever  about  the  throwing  of  the  prizes.  In  the 
background  may  be  seen  the  uplifted  arms  of  the  spectators  waiting  for  the 
descent  of  the  prize  thrown  in  that  direction  by  the  other  mdria.  The  spectators 
waiting  for  the  prize  of  the  mdna  seen  in  the  foreground  are  not  shown  on  the  plate. 

No.  2.     One  of  the  ma"nas  getting  ready  to  leave  the  plaza  for  the  kiva. 


HELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  XXIV. 


PL.  XXIV.    MANAS  RETURNING  TO  THE  KIVA. 

No.  i.    The  two  mdnas  on  their  way  to  the  kiva. 

No.  2.  The  rear  end  of  the  procession  of  dancers.  Maidens  participating 
in  one  of  these  dances  always  form  the  rear  end  of  the  line  in  going  to  and  from 
the  plaza. 


PL.  XXV.   THE  DANCERS  RETURNING  TO  THE  KIVA. 

No.  i.     The  line  of  dancers,  as  they  file  from  the  plaza,  on  their  way  from 
the  kiva. 

No.  2.    The  dancers  have  arrived  at  the  kiva.     Ng6si  is  seen  in  the  act  of 
replacing  the  na"tsi  at  the  south  end  of  the  kiva. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  ORAIBI  OAQOL  CEREMONY — VOTH, 


43 


tinue  this  around  the  circle  and  finally  into  it.  (See  PI.  XXI.)  Here- 
upon they  open  the  bundle,  which  is  the  signal  for  a  general  commo- 
tion, and  great  shouting  among  the  spectators,  the  male  portion  of 
whom  rush  from  all  sides  to  the  circle  (see  PI.  XXII),  each  one  being 
eager  to  obtain  one  of  the  trays  thrown  by  the  manas.  (See  PL  XXIII.) 
These  throw  the  trays  in  different  directions,1  which  keeps  the  crowd 
surging  up  and  down  from  one  side  of  the  circle  to  the  other.  When 
the  supply  of  prizes  is  exhausted  the  manas  return  to  the  kiva  (see  No. 
1,  PL  XXIV),  where  they  lay  off  their  costume  and  rub  off  the  paint. 
The  dancers  soon  follow.  (See  PL  XXV.)  Ng6si  replaces  the  natsi  at 
the  kiva  hatchway  (see  No.  2,  PL  XXV),  and  all  then  enter  the  kiva. 
Here  now  the  so-called  nawohchi  (discharming)  of  all  the  participants 
takes  place.  This  I  have  witnessed  only  once.  Ng6si  took  from  the 
altar  a  buzzard  wing  feather  and  from  the  fireplace  a  little  ashes.  All 
arranged  themselves  around  the  fireplace,  each  one  also  holding  a 
pinch  of  ashes  in  the  right  hand.  Ng6si  then  strewed  a  little  ashes 
along  the  inside  of  the  feather  which  she  held  in  her  left  hand,  where- 
upon all  hummed  the  following  nawohchi  tawi  (discharming  song), 
Ngosi  waving  the  feather  slightly  up  and  down  to  the  time  of  the 
singing: 

DISCHARMING   SONG. 


To  THE  NORTH. 

Discharm! 
Discharm! 
From  the  north, 
Yellow  buzzard, 
With  the  wing! 

To  THE  WEST. 

Discharm ! 
Discharm! 
From  the  west, 
Green  (blue)  buzzard, 
With  the  wing! 

To  THE  SOUTH. 

Discharm! 
Discharm! 
From  the  south, 
Red  buzzard, 
With  the  wing! 

1  Before  throwing  the  prize  they  run  across  the  space  within  the  circle,  but  in  opposite  direc- 
tions, break  through  the  line  of  dancers,  and  then  throw  the  objects. 


Chiwiwitoyahaiahai ! 
Chiwiwitoyahaiahai ! 
Shukwinifiaqo, 
Sikawicokota, 
Macayata  akwaaha! 

Chiwiwitoyahaiahai ! 
Chiwiwitoyahaiahai ! 
Shuhtawangqo, 
Cakwawicokota, 
Macayata  akwaaha! 

Chiwiwitoyahaiahai ! 
Chiwiwitoyahaiahai ! 
Shuhtatyaqo, 
Palawicokota, 
Macayata  akwaaha!" 


44  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

To  THE  EAST. 

Chiwiwitoyahaiahai!  Discharm! 

Chiwiwitoyahaiahai !  Discharm ! 

Shtihhohopqo,  From  the  east 

Qptcawicokota,  White  buzzard, 

Macayata  akwaaha!  With  the  wing! 

To  THE  NORTH-WEST  (ABOVE). 
Chiwiwitoyahaiahai!  Discharm! 

Chiwiwitoyahaiahai!  Discharm! 

Shuongaqo,  From  above, 

Coqomvicokota,  Black  buzzard, 

Macayata  akwaaha!  With  the  wing! 

To  THE  SOUTH-WEST   (BELOW). 

Chiwiwitoyahaiahai!  Discharm! 

Chiwiwitoyahaiahai!  Discharm! 

Shiiatyaqo,  From  below, 

Maciwicokota,  Gray  buzzard, 

Macayata  akwaaha!  With  the  wing! 

Chiwi\vitoyahaiahai !  Discharm ! 

Chiwiwitoyahaiahai!  Discharm! 

While  singing  the  line  "Chiwiwitoyahai,"  at  every  stanza,  Ng6si 
brushes  with  her  right  hand  the  ashes  from  the  feather  towards  the 
hatchway,  all  the  others  throwing  the  pinch  of  ashes  which  they  hold 
between  their  left  thumb  and  index  finger  in  the  same  direction,  too, 
with  a  circling  motion.  Ng6si  strews  fresh  ashes  along  the  feather, 
the  others  take  a  fresh  pinch  from  their  right  hand,  and  the  same  per- 
formance is  repeated  during  the  remaining  five  verses.  After  the  last 
stanza  has  been  chanted  all  beat  the  ashes  from  their  hands,  spit  into 
their  hands,  rub  them  together,  and  finally  rub  their  bodies  with  them. 

What  is  the  object  of  this  discharming  rite?  The  Hopi  believe 
that  every  secret  fraternity  and  its  paraphernalia  possess  its  peculiar 
charm  or  influence,  which  is  injurious  to  the  initiated.  The  charm  of 
the  Snake  Fraternity  is  a  swelling  which  may  occur  on  any  part  of  the 
body;  that  of  the  Horn  Fraternity,  a  distortion  of  the  neck  and  face; 
that  of  the  Oaqol  Fraternity,  a  peculiar  swelling  on  top  of  the  head, 
etc.  Through  this  discharming  rite,  which  takes  place  at  the  conclu- 
sion of  every  Hopi  extended  ceremony,  and  on  numerous  other  occa- 
sions, such  charm  is  supposed  to  be  removed  from'  the  participants, 
so  that  after  that  they  may  again  mingle  with  impunity  with  nonpar- 
ticipants  and  in  every-day  life.  This  danger  is  considered  to  be 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.   XXVI. 


PL.  XXVI.    CONTESTING  ONE  OF  THE  PRIZES. 
No.  i.     The  wrangle  begins. 
No.  2.    The  wrangle  continued. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM.  ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XXVII. 

1 


PL.  XXVII.    THE  PRIZE  CONTEST  IN  FULL  SWAY. 

No.  i.    This  snapshot  view  was  obtained  as  the  crowd  of  closely  intertwined 
contestants  were  rushing  across  the  plaza,  being  impelled  by  the  forcible  efforts 
of  one  or  two  of  the  contestants. 
No.  2.     The  Climax. 


DEC.,  1903.       THE  OR/UBI  OAgoL  CEREMONY — VOTIL  45 

greater  with  regard  to  the  altar  paraphernalia,  which  n<>  one  can  touch 
or  even  see  without  running  the  risk  of  being  charmed,  than  with 
regard  to  the  participants,  who  have  come  into  contact  more  or  less 
witli  others  and  with  their  homes  during  the  ceremony.  Should  at 
any  time  any  one  in  the  village  have  a  malady  similar  to  the  charm  of 
any  fraternity,  the  chief  priest  of  that  society  is  called  to  discharm 
the  patient,  which  he  does  by  singing  the  dischurming  songs  of  his 
society  over  the  sufferer. 

The  discharming  ceremony  over,  the  morning  meal  is  partaken 
of  by  most  of  the  women  in  their  homes,  by  the  novices  and  a  few  of 
the  older  women  in  the  kiva.  The  four  women  who  held  the  netted 
gourd  vessels  during  the  dance  take  them  with  them  and  the  water 
from  them  is  emptied  out  as  a  prayer  for  rain  in  some  of  their  fields. 
After  breakfast  all  reassemble  in  the  kiva,  two  other  participants  are 
decorated  and  dressed  up,  a  fresh  lot  of  trays  is  tied  up,  to  which 
occasionally  a  watermelon,  a  piece  of  calico,  a  large  round  cake,  a 
bowl,  etc.,  is  added  J  and  then  another  public  performance  takes  place. 
It  does  not  differ  essentially  from  the  one  already  described — only 
the  four  women  have  not  now  the  netted  gourd  vessels.  All  have 
again  trays,  holding  also  a  pinch  of  sacred  meal  in  their  hand. 

Eight  or  ten  such  dances  take  place  during  the  day.  For  each 
one,  two  fresh  manas  are  prepared,  who  may  be  either  girls  or  women. 

During  the  intervals  between  the  dances  the  plaza  is  by  no  means 
deserted,  as  is  usually  the  case  in  interrupted  performances.  One  of 
the  trays  thrown  last  at  the  various  dancers  usually  becomes -the  object 
of  a  spirited  contention.  First,  two  or  three  try  to  tear  it  from  the 
winner.  (See  No.  1,  PI.  XXVI.)  Soon  others  take  a  hand  in  the 
wrangle,  the  number  often  swelling  up  to  fifteen  or  twenty.  (See  No.  2, 
PL  XXVI.)  Sometimes  this  closely  knit  mass  of  humanity  will  remain 
for  some  time  stationary  at  one  spot,  or  at  least  nearly  so.  Then  one 
or  two  specially  strong  contestants,  who  may  have  succeeded  in 
getting  hold  of  the  coveted  prize,  or  of  one  of  these  closely  wedged 
in,  will  set  the  whole  body  of  contestants  in  motion  (see  PI.  XXVII), 
so  that  it  keeps  moving,  sometimes  slowly,  sometimes  rapidly,  from 
one  part  of  the  plaza  to  the  other,  until  some  become  exhausted  and 
are  shaken  off  by  the  last,  especially  violent  efforts  of  others,  and 
finally  one  who  has  a  specially  good  hold  of  the  object  or  is  particu- 
larly strong,  remains  victor.  I  have  seen  these  contests  last  for 
thirty,  forty,  fifty  minutes,  and  even  as  long  as  an  hour  and  a  quarter. 

1  On  one  occasion  the  women  had  included  a  large  deseeded  sunflower  disk,  which  somewhat 
resembled  a  yucca  tray,  when  it  was  hurled  through  the  air,  and  the  disgust  of  the  men,  when  tliL-y 
found  that  they  were  deceived,  caused  a  good  deal  of  hilarity. 


46  FIELD  COLUMBIAN  MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGY,  VOL.  VI.,  No.  I. 

and  an  hour  and  a  half,  so  that  they  continue  while  another  dance  is 
in  progress.  The  contestants  are  panting  and  bathed  in  perspiration, 
their  clothes  are  sometimes  badly  torn  (see  No.  1,  PI.  XXVIII),  and 
the  tray,  too,  is  sadly  twisted  out  of  shape.  (SeeNo.  2,  PI.  XXVIII.) 

During  the  forenoon,  while  the  dances  are  in  progress  on  the 
plaza,  the  race  for  the  two  trays  takes  place  down  in  the  valley,  as 
already  described. 

In  the  intervals  when  the  women  are  on  the  plaza,  the  chief  priest 
dismantles  the  altar,  tying  the  slabs  in  bundles  and  putting  the  smaller 
objects,  such  as  the  birds,  cloud  symbols,  etc.,  into  old  jars.  The 
small  ka6bahos  are  distributed  among  the  participants  after  the  dance 
is  over  and  before  they  leave  the  kiva.  On  one  occasion  I  saw  them 
placed  into  a  blanket  when  the  altar  was  dismantled;  their  final  dispo- 
sition I  have  never  personally  witnessed,  but  am  told  by  numerous 
parties  that  they  are  either  thrust  between  the  carefully  piled  up  corn- 
cars  in  the  houses  of  the  participants  or  are  buried  as  prayer-offerings 
in  their  fields. 

For  the  last  dance,  all  the  women  rub  some  meal  into  their  faces, 
and  when  the  chief  priest  has  finished  asperging  them  on  the  plaza,  he 
pours  the  water  that  remains  in  the  medicine  bowl  into  the  little  shrine 
on  the  plaza. 

The  eagle  feathers  and  corn-ear  from  the  natsi  are,  I  understand, 
put  away  with  the  altar  paraphernalia;  the  nakwakwosis  from  the 
sprig  of  ctivi  and  the  pedestal -are  thrown  on  the  altar  sand  and  swept 
up  and  carried" out  with  it.  The  sprig  itself  is  deposited  somewhere 
by  Ng6si,  but  this  has  not  been  witnessed. 


PL.  XXVIII.    AFTER  THE  BATTLE. 


No.  i.    The  Victor. 

No.  2.    The  Victor  and  his  Prize. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  XXVIII. 


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